November 3, 2026 · Phoenix and the Valley
Arizona 2026 Ballot Notes
Everything on a Phoenix-area ballot this fall: the propositions, the candidates and the judges. What each one actually does, who's paying for it, who's fighting it, and how we're voting.
We sit well to the left, and we don't pretend otherwise. The facts carry footnotes. The opinions sit on yellow paper, so you can tell which is which.
State of Arizona
Why did every statewide measure come from the Legislature?
No citizen initiative made the 2026 ballot. All eight propositions were sent by the Republican majority at the Capitol, and several are bills Gov. Hobbs already vetoed. A referral never touches the governor's desk.
That matters more here than almost anywhere else. Under Arizona's Voter Protection Act, anything voters approve can only be changed by a three-fourths vote of the Legislature, and only to further its purpose. Pass a bad law at the ballot box and it is close to permanent.
How referrals and the Voter Protection Act workHide details
- All eight 2026 statewide measures were referred by legislative Republicans. Several, from school-spending mandates to speed cameras, are ideas they tried first as bills that Gov. Hobbs vetoed.1
- Referrals pass on simple majorities and never reach the governor. Several of this year's resolutions went through on party-line votes in the session's final hours, the same week Hobbs vetoed 88 more bills.2
- The Voter Protection Act (Prop 105, 1998) means a voter-approved law can be amended only by three-fourths of each chamber, 45 of 60 House members and 23 of 30 senators, and only in ways that further its purpose. Otherwise it goes back to the ballot.3
- The rule lives in the state constitution itself, Article 4, Part 1, Section 1, which also bars the Legislature from repealing a voter-approved law outright.4
Our statewide ballot at a glanceHide the cheat sheet
- 141Ban on taxing miles drivenNo
- 142Constitutional ban on DEI at public schools and agenciesNo
- 144Government ID for every ballot, including mailNo
- 316Voter approval and a 2% cap for city grocery taxesNo
- 317Call drug cartels "terrorist organizations"No
- 318School bathroom and locker-room ban for trans studentsNo
- 319Ban new traffic cameras, put existing ones to a local voteNo
- 32060% classroom-spending mandate for school districtsNo
141Ban on taxing miles drivenArizona has no tax on miles driven and no plan for one. Prop 141 would ban it permanently in the state constitution, while the 18-cent gas tax that pays for roads hasn't moved since 1991 and electric cars pay none of it. 4 5Our voteYesNoAgainst the defaultOrg. positions5 yes · 5 no
Our take
Here is the problem nobody in the Legislature wants to own: Arizona pays for its roads with an 18-cent-a-gallon gas tax set in 1991, worth about a third of what it used to be, and the roughly 108,000 electric cars on our roads pay zero of it 5. A charge per mile driven is one of the few ideas on the table for making a Tesla on the 101 chip in the same way a pickup does. Prop 141 doesn't solve that problem. It takes one answer off the board forever, and offers nothing in its place, which is how the County Supervisors Association put it too 3.
The privacy worry is real, and we share it. But a mileage fee can be done with an odometer reading at registration time, no GPS required 4, and this amendment does nothing about the license-plate cameras and data brokers who already know where you parked. What it does do is lock a ban on a tax that doesn't exist into the constitution, where only another statewide vote can undo it. The pitch leans on the "they're coming for your car" panic about 15-minute cities 6, and the Senate passed it on a straight party-line vote 2 3. Leave the toolbox open for the day the road money runs dry.
What it does
Prop 141 adds a new section to the Arizona Constitution that bars the state, counties, cities, towns and every other local government from charging any person a tax or fee based on the miles they drive 1 10. It also bans any law or rule that monitors or limits how many miles a person drives, unless the law requires the person's voluntary consent 1 10. That consent exception covers only monitoring and limits; the ban on mileage taxes and fees has no exception for programs drivers sign up for 1. Two things are exempt: interstate agreements that handle fuel taxes or registration fees for commercial vehicles operating in more than one state, and vehicles owned and operated by the state or a local government 1 10. Arizona has never charged a mileage fee, so nothing changes on day one; the measure stops one from ever being created 4 8.
- Yes
- A Yes vote puts a permanent constitutional ban on mileage-based taxes or fees, and on laws that track or cap miles driven without consent.
- No
- A No vote leaves the constitution as it is, so the Legislature or voters could still consider a per-mile road fee someday.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of amending the Arizona Constitution to prohibit: (1) taxes or fees based on motor vehicle miles traveled; and (2) laws or rules that monitor or limit motor vehicle miles traveled without consent. These prohibitions do not apply in certain instances to interstate commercial vehicles or to vehicles owned by the state or local governments.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current constitutional language related to taxation.
Required to go to voters. It amends the Arizona Constitution, which only voters can do. The Legislature passed SCR 1004 in 2025; a referred amendment skips the governor entirely 3. A nearly identical version (HCR 2018) died 15-15 in the Senate in 2024 3. Source
Taxes and bonds. Prop 141 doesn't raise or cut any existing tax. It permanently forbids one possible future revenue source for roads. The Highway User Revenue Fund takes in over $1.8 billion a year, about $800 million of it from fuel taxes that electric vehicles don't pay 5. Source
Arguments
For
- Charging by the mile means someone has to count your miles. Supporters point to Utah's program, which uses plug-in devices and smartphone apps with location data, and Oregon's, which offers GPS tracking as one option, and say a trip to the doctor or to church shouldn't end up in a government database 11. Sponsor Sen. Jake Hoffman makes the same pitch 4.
- A per-mile charge falls hardest on people who drive the most: rural families, long-distance commuters and tradespeople. Jackson Moll of the Home Builders Association of Central Arizona says framing and roofing crews running between Buckeye, Queen Creek and Maricopa would pass the cost straight into home prices 11. The Free Enterprise Club makes the same argument about housing on the edges of the Valley 4.
- Mileage taxes are expensive to run. The Arizona Trucking Association, whose members lived for decades under the state's weight-distance tax on trucks, says miles have to be tracked, reported, audited and enforced, while a fuel tax is collected cheaply at the pump 11. Other supporters say electric cars can pay their share without tracking anyone, for example through a tax on electricity sold at chargers 11.
- Oregon, Utah and Virginia already run mileage programs, and Hawaii is making its version mandatory for EVs 3 4 11. Supporters want Arizona to settle the question in the constitution, where only voters can undo it, before one shows up here 3 11.
Against
- The gas tax hasn't moved since 1991 and has lost about two-thirds of its buying power, while EVs pay nothing toward the roads they use 5. Gilbert traffic engineer Michael Grandy cites the state's long-range transportation plan: $231.4 billion in needs over 25 years against $69.1 billion in forecast revenue, enough for about 30% of the work 12. Banning one possible fix before anyone has studied it is bad planning 6 12.
- It shuts the door even on trying. Ted Maxwell, who chairs the State Transportation Board, says it would rule out the voluntary and pilot programs other states use to test whether mileage fees can work 12. The County Supervisors Association, whose members maintain county roads, says it "prohibits revenue options without suggesting other solutions" 3.
- Tracking isn't required. Sen. Priya Sundareshan points out a mileage fee could run on odometer self-reporting at registration renewal 4.
- Rural drivers already get a bad deal. Tom Prezelski of Rural Arizona Action, a rural transportation planner and former member of the House Transportation Committee, argues that under the gas tax, rural Arizonans who drive more end up subsidizing urban and suburban roads, and Prop 141 locks that in 12. Ordinary tax policy belongs in statute, where lawmakers can adjust it.
Who's where
The pamphlet arguments ran 39 for and 5 against, and the Free Enterprise Club paid for 24 of the 39. Republican lawmakers, truckers, homebuilders and the mining group AMIGOS are for it; the chair of the State Transportation Board, county governments, rural organizers and Democratic lawmakers are against.
The money
Fiscal impact
The publicity pamphlet prints no fiscal estimate for Prop 141 10, and JLBC's required ballot summaries cover citizen initiatives, not legislative referrals 9. Because Arizona collects no mileage fee today, the measure has no immediate budget effect; its cost is the future road money it rules out 4 5.
142Constitutional ban on DEI at public schools and agenciesArizona voters already banned racial preferences in 2010. Prop 142 goes further: it bans required DEI statements and trainings, bars public money for campus programming built around race, gender identity or sexual orientation, and lets the Legislature add to the list later. 1 10Our voteYesNoAgainst the defaultOrg. positions5 yes · 8 no
Our take
Arizona banned affirmative action in 2010. Prop 107 passed with about 60% of the vote, and the guy who carried it in the Legislature was Steve Montenegro 10 11. Sixteen years later, Montenegro is Speaker of the House and back with the sequel 7. Since the preferences are already illegal, look at what's actually new here. Prop 142 bars any public money (including tuition, donations and endowment dollars) from training, programming or activities "designed or implemented with reference to" race, ethnicity, gender identity or sexual orientation 1. That's the wording that puts a campus LGBTQ resource center or a first-gen Latino student program at ASU in the crosshairs. It bans asking a job applicant or student to discuss their own race, or their views on and experience with other people's race 1. And twice it says the Legislature can add more banned "practices or concepts" later, by ordinary law, with the constitution's blessing 1.
Supporters call it closing a loophole. The loophole is Prop 107's exception for things the state must do to keep federal money; Prop 142 shrinks that exception to outreach, advertising and communication that don't change how anyone is evaluated 1. They also slipped in "sex-specific spaces" as an allowed kind of sex-based rule 1, which tells you where this is pointed next. The University of Arizona already dropped its diversity-course plan under federal pressure 4, so the fight over one class at UA is already lost. What 142 does is write the culture war into the state constitution, where no future Legislature or governor can touch it.
What it does
Prop 142 rewrites the section of the Arizona Constitution that voters added in 2010 to ban preferential treatment by race, sex, color, ethnicity or national origin in public jobs, schools and contracting 1 10. It keeps that ban and adds three more: the state, cities, school districts and public universities can't make anyone endorse race-based preferences as a condition of admission, graduation, hiring or contracts (including DEI statements and required DEI courses or trainings); can't spend public money on education offices that promote race-based preferences; and can't use discipline policies that treat students or employees differently by race 1 14. The spending ban covers programming designed with reference to race, ethnicity, intersectionality, gender identity or sexual orientation, and the Legislature can add more by statute 1 14. It also narrows the 2010 exception for actions needed to keep federal funds to outreach, advertising and communication that don't change how applicants are judged, and adds "sex-specific spaces" to the allowed sex-based qualifications 1. Classroom teaching, research, student clubs, guest speakers and licensed health services are exempt from the spending ban, and the whole section exempts tribal-membership programs, data collection required by federal law, attorney-approved legal-compliance training, and teaching about slavery, Indian removal, the Holocaust and Japanese-American internment 1.
- Yes
- A Yes vote expands Arizona's 2010 ban on racial preferences into a constitutional ban on DEI statements, required DEI trainings and certain campus offices and programs, with room for the Legislature to add more.
- No
- A No vote keeps the 2010 ban on preferential treatment exactly as it is now.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of amending the Arizona Constitution’s current prohibition against preferential treatment or discrimination by the state based on race, ethnicity, or other classes, to specifically prohibit: (1) compelling individuals to support preferential treatment or discrimination based on race or ethnicity as a condition of education, employment, or contract opportunities; (2) spending public money on positions in public education responsible for promoting preferential treatment or discrimination based on race or ethnicity; and (3) implementing disciplinary practices that treat students or employees differently based on race or ethnicity. Prohibited conduct includes requiring or asking an applicant, employee, student, or contractor to provide a statement in support of race-based diversity, equity, and inclusion beyond upholding the federal Equal Protection Clause or asking such a person to discuss the person’s race or ethnicity or experience with others’ race or ethnicity. The amendment contains certain exceptions for health services, legal, and other reasons.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current prohibition in the Arizona Constitution against preferential treatment or discrimination by the state based on race, ethnicity, or other classes.
Required to go to voters. It amends the Arizona Constitution, which only voters can do. The Republican-led Legislature passed HCR 2044 on party lines in 2026; referred amendments never go to the governor 2 3. A Maricopa County judge rejected a lawsuit claiming it violates the single-subject rule 7. Source
Arguments
For
- Everyone should get the same shot, judged on ability and qualifications. The Goldwater Institute's Matt Beienburg says the measure just makes good on what voters approved in 2010, with no carve-outs where discrimination is OK 3. Free Enterprise Club president Scot Mussi adds that it targets the practice of racial preference, not any program's name, so it can't be dodged by rebranding 13.
- Nobody should have to sign a political loyalty oath to get hired. Goldwater found diversity statements in as many as 80% of faculty job listings at Arizona's public universities 6.
- Putting the rules in the constitution means Arizona campuses won't swing back and forth every time a new administration in Washington changes its mind. "Arizona shouldn't have to have a whiplash," Beienburg says 4. Goldwater CEO Victor Riches argues in the pamphlet that it closes a loophole that has allowed race-based preferences in hiring, education and contracting whenever the federal government calls for them 13.
- Required DEI coursework costs students real money. Goldwater estimates UA's two-course diversity requirement would cost $70 million to $150 million per four-year class in tuition and state funding 6.
Against
- Racial preferences have been illegal in Arizona since 2010, and Article 2, Section 36 already says so 10 12. The League of Women Voters warns the new language is "expansive and ambiguous" enough that schools may drop lawful mentoring and student-success programs rather than risk a lawsuit 12.
- It treats any effort to address inequality as an unfair preference. "Justice requires more than pretending everyone starts from the same place," says Solveig Muus of the Lutheran Advocacy Ministry in Arizona 3.
- The ACLU of Arizona says it violates the First Amendment by barring certain ideas from campuses and government workplaces, and attacks academic freedom 5 12. UA education professor Nolan Cabrera warns it will harm faculty and students and bring "unnecessary surveillance" 4.
- The language reaches beyond race to gender identity and sexual orientation programming, and invites the Legislature to ban more "practices or concepts" later without another vote of the people 1. Sens. Mitzi Epstein and Lauren Kuby say the faculty-composition clause would bar even advertising to recruit a more diverse pool of applicants 12.
Who's where
The pamphlet arguments ran 16 against and 7 for. Goldwater, Heritage Action, the Free Enterprise Club and the GOP leadership are for it; civil-liberties and Latino groups, the League of Women Voters, progressive groups and every Democratic lawmaker who voted are against.
The money
Fiscal impact
The publicity pamphlet includes no fiscal estimate for Prop 142 14. The measure doesn't raise or cut taxes, but it would bar public universities, community colleges and school districts from spending any money they control (appropriations, tuition, grants, endowments or donations) on covered offices and programs 1.
144Government ID for every ballot, including mailWrites a government-ID requirement for every ballot, mail ballots included, into the Arizona Constitution without saying how mail voters would show it, and gives future election laws an easy pass in court.Our voteYesNoAgainst the defaultOrg. positions7 yes · 13 no
Our take
Skip the packaging. Citizen-only voting is already in the state constitution, and foreign money in candidate races is already illegal under federal law 3 5. (The ballot-measure gap backers talk about could be closed with an ordinary statute.) The part that matters is one sentence: every voter must show government ID before casting a ballot "whether voting in person or by any other method, as prescribed by law" 1. About 80% of Arizonans vote by mail 13, and nobody has written down how that would work for them 12 15. A photocopy of your license sealed in the green envelope? An ID number on the affidavit, the idea voters already turned down as Prop 309 in 2022 14? Kolodin's first draft didn't bother pretending. It killed the Active Early Voting List and cut off ballot drop-offs the Friday before Election Day 6 7. The Senate cut those lines, then added subsection F 1 6, which lets the Legislature pass any law on early or mail voting as long as it is "rationally connected" to a state interest like "preserving public confidence in the integrity of elections." The ballot's own description warns that this new standard "may make it harder to challenge election laws" 3. Rational basis is the easiest test in constitutional law. Getting rid of the early voting list after 2028 could take little more than a bill with those words in it.
The "fast results" pitch was solved months ago without touching the constitution. In the August primary Maricopa County let mail voters show ID and feed their own ballots into a tabulator at the vote center, using a state law that already exists. 23,400 people did it, and the county had 99% of results posted the next day 16 17. Meanwhile Prop 144 tightens ID for in-person voters too, dropping the utility-bill-plus-bank-statement option that matters for people on tribal land with descriptive addresses, people who just moved, and people whose license got lost 3 5. And the Legislature quietly removed the promise of a free ID before passing it 5 6. Making people buy a document so they can vote has a name, and it's an old one.
This is the slow-count grievance of 2020 and 2022, put into permanent law, with a back door for whatever comes next.
What it does
Prop 144 adds a new Section 19 to Article VII of the Arizona Constitution 1. It says only citizens may register and vote, bars foreign nationals from spending to influence Arizona elections, and requires every voter to show valid government-issued proof of identity before casting a ballot in each election, in person or "by any other method," with details left to the Legislature 1 3. It requires that every voter be offered the option to have their ballot tabulated at their voting location on Election Day 1. It also lets the Legislature and voters pass any election law, including on early and mail voting, as long as it is "rationally connected" to interests like timely results, election security and "preserving public confidence" 1. It applies to elections on or after Jan. 1, 2028, and orders the Legislature to pay for implementation 1 3.
- Yes
- A Yes vote puts a government-ID requirement for every ballot, including mail ballots, into the constitution, limits acceptable ID to government-issued documents, guarantees on-site tabulation on Election Day, and sets a new, lenient standard for judging future election laws.
- No
- A No vote keeps current constitutional provisions; mail ballots stay verified by signature and in-person voters can still use non-photo document combinations under existing law.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of amending the Arizona Constitution to: (1) require voters to show proof of identity when voting in each election, including when voting by mail; (2) changing existing proof of identity requirements to limit acceptable documentation to government-issued ID; (3) require election officials to provide all voters the option to have their ballot tabulated at their voting location on election day; (4) prohibit foreign nationals from contributing or spending to influence elections in Arizona and prohibit anyone from knowingly accepting such contributions, similar to prohibitions that already exist in federal law; (5) create a new standard for judicial review of election laws under the Arizona Constitution, which may make it harder to challenge election laws; and (6) require the legislature to appropriate money necessary to implement these provisions.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining current constitutional provisions governing elections.
Required to go to voters. It's a constitutional amendment, and Arizona's constitution can only be changed by voters. The Republican Legislature referred it on party-line votes, which also kept it away from Gov. Hobbs, who vetoed Kolodin's similar 2025 bill 2 7. Source
Arguments
For
- Voter ID is popular across parties, and treating every voter the same, whether they vote at a polling place or at the kitchen table, is basic fairness. Supporters cite national polling around 84% for photo ID 4.
- Arizona's current ID rule is only a statute that a simple legislative majority could repeal, and it accepts non-government documents. Putting a government-ID rule in the constitution makes it permanent 4.
- Guaranteed on-site tabulation attacks the "late earlies" problem: in 2022 Maricopa County got more than 280,000 mail ballots dropped off on Election Day, each needing a signature check before it could be counted 4. The Free Enterprise Club says counties have had the option since a 2021 law it pushed but have been slow to use it, so it should be mandatory everywhere 4 12.
- Federal law bans foreign money in candidate races, but backers say state-level gaps let foreign nationals fund Arizona ballot measures; Heritage Action points to a Swiss billionaire who put more than $1 million into one 4. Prop 144 would close that gap in the constitution 4 12.
Against
- It mandates ID for mail ballots without any mechanism. The Legislature would decide later, which could mean mailing a copy of your ID inside the envelope every election, with the privacy and identity-theft risks that brings, and ballots tossed for a missing copy 5 13.
- Subsection F hands future legislatures a rational-basis standard for any law on early or mail voting, which opponents say opens the door to restricting or ending vote-by-mail. The bill's first version abolished the early voting list outright 1 5 6.
- It narrows in-person ID to government documents, removing combinations like a utility bill and bank statement. Tribal members, rural voters, students and seniors are the people most likely to lack a matching government ID 3 5.
- Most of it duplicates existing law, and the useful part, on-site tabulation, already exists in statute and worked in Maricopa County's 2026 primary 5 16 17.
Who's where
The pamphlet arguments ran 35 against and 26 for (one of the 26 is actually about Prop 318). Voting-rights, civil-liberties, faith and Democratic groups are against it; the Arizona Free Enterprise Club, Heritage Action and GOP lawmakers are for it.
Fiscal impact
The publicity pamphlet includes no dollar estimate for Prop 144. The measure orders the Legislature to appropriate whatever implementation costs, which would include on-site tabulators at every voting location and whatever system checks mail voters' IDs, but no amount or funding source is specified, and the measure expressly exempts itself from Article IX, Section 23, the constitutional rule that ballot measures requiring new spending identify a funding source 1 3 15.
316Voter approval and a 2% cap for city grocery taxesDoesn't lower anyone's grocery tax. It freezes city food taxes through mid-2027, then requires a public vote for any increase and caps rates at 2%, permanently, under the Voter Protection Act.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions3 yes · 1 no
Our take
We'd be happy to see grocery taxes disappear. They're regressive: a family in Maryvale spends a far bigger share of its paycheck on food than a family in Paradise Valley does. So we read this one closely, hoping to like it. The catch is that Prop 316 doesn't cut a single grocery tax by a penny. Glendale stays at 2.5%. Guadalupe, a small, mostly Latino and Yaqui town tucked between Tempe and Phoenix, stays at 4% 5 7. What changes is that no city can raise its food tax for two years at all, and after that only with an election, never above 2%, and towns already at or above 2% can never raise it again 1 3. It's a ceiling on local budgets, not relief at the checkout.
Phoenix knows why that matters. In 2010, staring at a $277 million budget shortfall, the City Council passed a 2% food tax, cut it to 1% in 2014 and let it expire in 2015 11. Under 316 that move would need a citywide vote and couldn't go past 2%. Cities that lose the tool won't stop needing fire trucks. They'll raise the general sales tax on everything else, which is just as regressive, or raise property taxes, or cut. This comes right after the Legislature banned city taxes on rent, and Page says that alone cost it $228,000 a year 6. And since voters would approve it, the Voter Protection Act locks it in: fixing it later takes three-quarters of both chambers 3.
Yes, the League of Arizona Cities and Towns signed the Yes argument 3. Read why. Chandler Mayor Kevin Hartke helped bargain it down from a total ban and called the result "kind of an uneasy win-win" 6. That's what you say about a settlement you signed with a gun to your head. This is the mildest thing on the ballot, and if you vote Yes on grocery-tax grounds we won't hold it against you. We're voting No on a fake tax cut that permanently shrinks what local governments can do, sent to the ballot to get around Gov. Hobbs's 2023 veto 7.
What it does
Prop 316 rewrites A.R.S. 42-6015, the state law governing city taxes on food for home consumption 1. Cities, towns and other taxing districts could not adopt or raise a grocery tax from July 1, 2025 through June 30, 2027, and the change applies retroactively from Jan. 1, 2025 1 3. After that, any new or higher grocery tax would need local voter approval and could not exceed 2% 1. Places that already tax food at 2% or more could keep their current rate but never increase it 1 3. Because it is a referred statute, the Voter Protection Act would apply if it passes 3.
- Yes
- A Yes vote freezes local grocery tax rates through June 30, 2027, then requires voter approval for any new or higher local grocery tax and caps it at 2%.
- No
- A No vote keeps current law, under which city councils can set grocery tax rates themselves.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of: (1) retroactively prohibiting local governments from adopting or increasing a tax on groceries from July 1, 2025, through June 30, 2027; and (2) after that time, prohibiting local governments from adopting or increasing a tax on groceries without voter approval and limiting any new or increased tax to a maximum rate of 2%.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current laws relating to local government taxation.
Optional referral. This is a statute the Legislature could have passed as a normal bill. Republicans tried that in 2023 with SB 1063, a full ban on city grocery taxes, and Gov. Hobbs vetoed it. Referring it to the ballot skips the governor 7 9. Source
Taxes and bonds. No current grocery tax goes down. 70 of Arizona's 91 cities and towns tax food for home consumption, collecting $196.4 million in FY 2024 4. In the Valley, Phoenix, Mesa, Surprise and Tolleson charge none; Chandler 1.5%, Peoria 1.6%, Scottsdale 1.7% and Tempe 1.8% could go up to 2% with voter approval; Gilbert and Goodyear (exactly 2%), Queen Creek (2.25%), Avondale, Glendale and Paradise Valley (2.5%), Litchfield Park (2.8%), Fountain Hills (2.9%), Buckeye, Cave Creek and El Mirage (3%), Gila Bend (3.5%) and Guadalupe (4%) would be frozen for good 5. Source
Arguments
For
- Taxing milk, eggs and bread hits working families hardest, and most states don't tax groceries at all. Requiring a public vote before any increase puts the decision with residents instead of city councils 7 8.
- It's a negotiated compromise. In the only argument filed for it, the League of Arizona Cities and Towns says cities keep their existing revenue, so services aren't cut, while residents get a vote on any increase and a 2% ceiling. Cities above the cap could only lower their rate 3.
- Cities keep the ability to collect from tourists and visitors who use local roads and services, which a full ban would have wiped out 3 6.
- Senate President Warren Petersen says it keeps politicians from making taxes too high, and that without the 2% compromise nothing would have passed 7.
Against
- It's dressed up as tax relief but cuts no one's taxes. What it really does is move power over city budgets to the Legislature, which opponents call an attack on home rule. And because it's voter-approved, the Voter Protection Act makes it nearly impossible to fix later, needing a three-quarters vote in both chambers 3.
- Small and rural towns lean heavily on food taxes. In Taylor the food tax is more than 30% of the budget 3, and Bisbee's 3.5% rate brings in about $700,000 of a $9 million budget 6. KJZZ reports that in some rural towns, 3% to 4% food taxes make up about a fifth of revenue 10. Those towns could never raise it again, even if residents vote for it 1 3.
- Requiring an election for every small rate change is an expensive hurdle for routine budget adjustments, and when budgets get tight it pushes cities toward property taxes, which land on homeowners, or toward service cuts 3 6.
- The tax being protected against is small. Civic Engagement Beyond Voting's argument puts it at about six cents on a $3 gallon of milk, in exchange for firefighters, police, libraries, parks and street repair 3.
Who's where
An odd one: the League of Arizona Cities and Towns and GOP leaders are for it, while the opposition is mostly grassroots civic groups and small-town officials. The pamphlet drew one argument for and three against 3.
The money
Fiscal impact
JLBC's only estimate covers the original version, a full ban, which would have cost cities $227.6 million in FY 2028 with no effect on the state General Fund 4. The amended version on the ballot doesn't reduce current collections; its cost is the revenue cities can't raise later, which no one has estimated 1 3.
317Call drug cartels "terrorist organizations"Declares drug cartels terrorist organizations under state law and tells the Arizona Department of Homeland Security, a grant-making agency with no police force, to do everything in its authority about them. Gov. Hobbs vetoed the same idea in 2023, so the Legislature sent it to you instead. 1 3Our voteYesNoOrg. positions1 yes · 2 no
Our take
Nobody on this ballot is pro-cartel. That's the trick. Prop 317 hands you a scary word and asks you to stamp it on a statute, and in return it gives you nothing: no new money, no new penalties, no new officers, and orders aimed at an agency that mostly writes grant checks. Hobbs called it "not a real solution" in 2023, and a former FBI supervisory agent called the law-enforcement effect minimal. 3 4 5
What it does contain is worse than nothing. "Drug cartel" here means any ongoing association of people, formal or informal, whose members or associates, even individually, engage in human smuggling or drug trafficking for profit, and "threat" means anything designed to disturb the public's "general welfare." That's a net wide enough to catch a loose circle of friends because one of them drove migrants for cash. The findings section repeats the 2024 Prop 314 line that Arizona is being "actually invaded," which is constitutional language a future governor could lean on to send the National Guard to the border. There's also a gratuitous sentence about asylum claims, in a state law that can't touch asylum. 1 4 10
And once voters pass it, the Voter Protection Act means the Legislature can't clean it up without a three-fourths vote. Fentanyl deaths are real; this is a press release with a statute number. 6
What it does
Prop 317 adds a section to state law declaring that drug cartels are terrorist organizations and requiring the Arizona Department of Homeland Security (AZDOHS) to do everything within its authority to address the threat they pose. It defines a "drug cartel" as any ongoing formal or informal association whose members or associates, individually or collectively, engage in human smuggling, drug trafficking for profit, or terrorism as defined in state law, and defines "threat" as anything designed to harm constitutional rights or the public's safety, health or general welfare. It also says nothing in the law supports an alien's claim for asylum under federal law. It creates no new crimes, penalties, or funding. 1 2 3 10
- Yes
- Arizona law would declare drug cartels terrorist organizations, direct AZDOHS to use all lawful means within its authority against them, and state that the law does not support anyone's asylum claim. 10
- No
- Current terrorism laws and AZDOHS's existing authority stay as they are. 10
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of: (1) declaring drug cartels as terrorist organizations and directing the Arizona Department of Homeland Security to do everything in its authority to address threats posed by drug cartels; (2) defining “drug cartel” to mean an ongoing formal or informal association of persons engaged in human smuggling, drug trafficking, or any act defined as terrorism under Arizona law; and (3) clarifying that this measure does not support an alien’s asylum claim.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current laws relating to terrorism and the Arizona Department of Homeland Security.
Optional referral. Gov. Hobbs vetoed a nearly identical bill, HB 2675, in 2023, saying terrorist designations are a federal job. Republicans then passed HCR 2055 on party-line votes (House 32-27, Senate 16-13), which sends the statute straight to voters and skips the governor. 2 7 Source
Arguments
For
- Cartels move fentanyl and people across the border and run violence on both sides of it. Supporters say that already fits the definition of terrorism, and the state should name it as such. 3 10
- The only argument for it in the pamphlet, from George Khalaf of Scottsdale, stresses that it doesn't just allow but requires AZDOHS to go after cartels, so the effort doesn't depend on partisan politics or whoever happens to run the department. 10
- House Speaker Steve Montenegro says the label gives state officers "every tool, every resource possible" and will deter smuggling. 3
- It follows the federal government, where President Trump designated several cartels as foreign terrorist organizations, and the 2024 voter findings in Prop 314 about cartel-driven trafficking. 1 3
Against
- It's symbolic. It adds no money or penalties, and AZDOHS is a grant-administering agency, not a police force. Former Democratic Party chair Raquel Teran: "it really does nothing." The lone pamphlet argument against calls it symbolic legislation and a waste of legislators' time. 3 4 10
- Terrorist designations are a federal responsibility, as Hobbs wrote when she vetoed the same bill in 2023. 3 7
- The definitions are broad enough to sweep in ordinary people, including U.S. citizens, and the ACLU of Arizona warns it reaches far beyond any reasonable idea of a cartel. Critics fear it could feed racial profiling. 4 8
- The "actually invaded" findings could give a future governor cover to deploy troops to the border. 1 4
Who's where
A straight party-line fight: Republican legislative leaders for it, civil-liberties groups and Democrats against. Almost nobody bothered with the publicity pamphlet, which drew just one argument each way, both from individuals. 10
Fiscal impact
There's no JLBC fiscal analysis; JLBC's 2026 ballot page lists none for this measure. The measure carries no appropriation and no new penalties. 11 3
318School bathroom and locker-room ban for trans studentsArizona already bars trans girls from girls' school teams under a 2022 law. Prop 318's new part is bathrooms: schools, colleges and athletic associations with restrooms, locker rooms or showers "integral to athletic engagement" couldn't let anyone use one that doesn't match the sex on their original birth certificate, and any athlete claiming even "indirect harm" from a knowing violation could sue. 1 17Our voteYesNoOrg. positions7 yes · 12 no
Our take
Look past the name. The sports ban Prop 318 claims to "protect" has been state law since 2022, and the lawsuit against it ended in July after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled for Idaho and West Virginia. What's new here is a birth-certificate rule for every restroom, locker room and shower "integral to athletic engagement" at public and private schools, colleges and athletic associations, and school and league employees are barred from letting anyone into the "wrong" one. Nobody brings a birth certificate to practice. In practice it means a coach in Gilbert, or a teacher with a soccer player in third period, deciding which kids look wrong for the room they walked into. One of the pamphlet's own Yes arguments promises it "does not regulate private youth sports." The text defines an athletic association as any league or organization whose main purpose is running extracurricular games, and says no such thing. 1 3 5 17
Then it hands out lawsuits. The 2022 law already lets any athlete who claims "direct or indirect harm" from a knowing violation sue for damages, including emotional harm, plus attorney fees. Prop 318 points that machinery at bathrooms and locker rooms, and at leagues as well as schools. The law doesn't define indirect harm. That's an invitation for schools to bench and exclude first, since the safe move is always to shut the door on the trans kid. It also quietly deletes the line saying the law doesn't restrict anyone's eligibility for boys' teams, which matters to the girl who wrestles or plays baseball because her school has no girls' team. 1 2 17
Trans kids already can't play on the team that matches who they are. They should be able to change for practice like everyone else without a coach checking paperwork. Top Republicans have openly embraced this as a wedge for November, and it's on the ballot only because Hobbs vetoed bathroom bills in 2023 and 2024. If it passes, the Voter Protection Act makes it nearly impossible to fix, which Senate President Warren Petersen pitched as a feature. 6 7 8 9
What it does
Prop 318 rewrites Arizona's 2022 school-sports law. Today the rule that teams be designated male, female or coed by biological sex covers public schools and private schools that compete against them; Prop 318 extends it to all public and private K-12 schools, colleges and universities, and to athletic associations, defined as any league or organization whose primary purpose is sponsoring extracurricular athletic contests. Starting Jan. 1, 2027, any school or athletic association that maintains restrooms, locker rooms, showers or other private spaces "integral to athletic engagement," including its employees, could not authorize anyone to use a space not designated for their sex, defined as the sex recorded at birth on the original birth certificate. It drops the line saying the law doesn't restrict anyone's eligibility for boys' teams, and it expands who can sue and be sued under the existing lawsuit provision, which allows damages for psychological or emotional harm plus attorney fees. 1 2 17
- Yes
- Schools, colleges and athletic leagues would have to restrict athletic bathrooms, locker rooms and showers by birth-certificate sex, and the sports-team rules would expand to leagues, with new grounds for lawsuits. 17
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of: (1) requiring private schools, public schools, and athletic associations to designate every athletic team as male, female, or coed/mixed based on sex and to prevent males from joining female teams; existing law imposes this requirement only on public schools and those competing against them; (2) prohibiting schools and athletic associations from authorizing anyone to use private spaces (such as restrooms) not designated for that individual’s sex; (3) defining “sex” as an individual’s biological status as male or female as recorded at birth on an original birth certificate; and (4) authorizing athletes to sue schools and athletic associations that knowingly violate this law.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current laws relating to student athletics.
Optional referral. Gov. Hobbs vetoed a school bathroom bill (SB 1040) in 2023 and the broader "Arizona Women's Bill of Rights" (SB 1628) in 2024. Republicans then passed HCR 2003 on party lines (House 32-25, Senate 16-12) as a referral, which goes to voters and skips the governor's desk. 6 7 10 Source
Arguments
For
- Girls deserve a level field. The Center for Arizona Policy's argument says that after puberty males keep lasting advantages in bone density, muscle mass, lung capacity and heart size, so mixing them into girls' divisions costs girls roster spots, podiums and scholarships, and creates safety risks in contact sports. 17
- Supporters say girls deserve privacy in locker rooms and showers, and that statewide rules spare individual schools the conflict. Rep. Alex Kolodin asked what father wants his daughter in a bathroom with someone with male anatomy. 3 17
- It closes gaps in the 2022 law by covering all private schools, colleges and athletic associations, and it lets girls who lose a spot to a male athlete sue leagues as well as schools. 1 17
- The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in June 2026 that states may set girls' sports eligibility by biological sex, and putting the rule in voter-approved law protects it from a future Legislature or governor, Senate President Warren Petersen argues. Sponsor Rep. Selina Bliss: "Now Arizona voters can decide for themselves." 5 9 11
Against
- The sports ban is already law and was upheld; the real change is policing bathrooms and locker rooms, which falls on schools, coaches and leagues. In the pamphlet, a Phoenix teacher asks what makes a bathroom "integral to athletic engagement" and whether she's supposed to check IDs before hall passes. 3 5 12 17
- Lawsuits for undefined "indirect harm," with emotional-distress damages and attorney fees, push schools to exclude trans students to avoid liability. The League of Women Voters warns that taxpayer-funded schools will spend money defending suits instead of teaching. 1 17
- It invites "gender checks" on any girl someone thinks is too tall or too strong, and treats kindergarteners the same as college athletes and bowling the same as football, the ACLU of Arizona argues. Democrats offered an amendment letting schools and leagues set inclusion rules based on measures of athletic performance, the same bone-density and muscle-mass factors supporters cite. Republicans rejected it. 4 17
- It also strips the guarantee that girls can play on boys' teams, hurting girls whose schools have no girls' team in their sport. Sen. Mitzi Epstein: it "tells girls that they are less valued than boys." 1 2 13 17
Who's where
Republican officials and religious-right groups back it; civil-liberties, LGBTQ, Latino, faith and children's advocates oppose it. The publicity pamphlet drew 37 arguments against and 17 for. 17
Fiscal impact
JLBC has published no fiscal analysis for this measure. The likely costs are local: compliance at schools and leagues, and litigation exposure from the new causes of action, which no official estimate covers. 16 1
319Ban new traffic cameras, put existing ones to a local voteBans new speed and red-light cameras anywhere in Arizona that doesn't have a signed contract by Dec. 31, 2026, and makes cities that already run them (Phoenix, Tempe, Mesa, Scottsdale, Paradise Valley) win a local vote every 10 years to keep them. 1 2 19 20Our voteYesNoOrg. positions2 yes · 5 no
Our take
This one took us a minute, because the left's case against traffic cameras is real. A mailed ticket costs the same whether you drive a Tesla or a 2004 Corolla with a cracked windshield, so it hits poorer drivers harder. Chicago's "race-neutral" cameras ticketed households in majority Black and Latino ZIP codes at about twice the rate of white ones. And somebody is getting paid: Phoenix sends Mesa-based Verra Mobility $3,000 per camera every month plus $20 for every paid ticket. 13 18
Then look at the streets. Phoenix had 278 traffic deaths in 2024, and an Arizona's Family investigation found the city has the highest rate of deadly crashes and pedestrian deaths among the country's biggest cities. The police traffic unit has shrunk from more than 150 officers to about 40. A camera can't pull you over on 35th Avenue at midnight, ask to search the car, or decide you look suspicious, and in cities that switched their red-light cameras off, fatal red-light-running crashes ran 30% higher than in cities that kept them. Prop 319 fixes none of the things we hate about cameras. It doesn't cap fines, scale them to income or kick out the vendor. It just bans the tool for every town that hasn't signed a contract by New Year's Eve, red-light cameras included, and its sponsor openly likes that it shaves money off Clean Elections. 4 14 15 16
Vote No. Then show up at your city council and ask for the version worth having: cameras only at the intersections where people keep dying, fines tied to income, and the money spent on crosswalks, lighting and medians on those same streets.
What it does
Prop 319 bars any city, town or state agency from using a photo enforcement system to ticket speeding or running a light or sign unless it has a signed contract by Dec. 31, 2026. A city that already has one must ask its own voters at the next general election whether to keep the cameras (the Arizona Mirror reads that as November 2027); if voters say no, the cameras go dark within 90 days. A yes vote buys 10 years, and then the city has to go back to voters every decade. The definition covers both photo radar and red-light cameras. Because it falls under the Voter Protection Act, the Legislature could change it later only with a three-fourths vote in each chamber, and only to further its purpose. 1 2 21 24
- Yes
- A Yes vote bans new speed and red-light cameras statewide after 2026 and makes cities with existing cameras win local votes every 10 years to keep them.
- No
- A No vote leaves the decision with city councils, which can keep, add or drop cameras as they do now.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of: (1) prohibiting state agencies and local governments from using photo enforcement systems to identify violators of traffic laws unless the agency or government contracts to use those systems by December 31, 2026; and (2) requiring local governments to obtain voter approval of existing photo enforcement systems at the next regular general election and every 10 years afterward to continue using photo enforcement systems.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current laws governing photo enforcement systems.
Optional referral. Gov. Hobbs vetoed Sen. Wendy Rogers' photo radar ban (SB 1234) in 2023 and another ban in 2025. Republicans then passed SCR 1004 as a referral, which goes to voters and skips the governor's desk: Senate 16-12 on Feb. 26, 2026, House 37-18 on June 12, with six House Democrats voting yes. 3 12 25 Source
Arguments
For
- It keeps policing in public hands. The measure's stated intent is to keep enforcement with trained officers and away from "private, for-profit entities," and Phoenix pays its vendor per camera and per paid ticket. 1 13
- Nobody witnesses the violation. Drivers can't face the officer who ticketed them, and camera notices arrive by mail with fine print asking you to waive proper service. 5 6
- Supporters say it's about money. Scottsdale's program brings in about $2 million a year, and Rogers calls the cameras a "cash cow" that doesn't change how people drive. 4 6
- Supporters who wrote the state pamphlet's Yes arguments, all private citizens, mostly make a privacy case: the cameras log where law-abiding drivers go without a warrant, and the footage isn't always safe from third parties. A city that wants to keep its cameras only has to win a local election. 2 24
Against
- It sweeps in red-light cameras, the kind with the strongest evidence behind them. An IIHS study found fatal red-light-running crash rates were 30% higher in cities that turned their cameras off than in similar cities that kept them, and the Arizona Public Health Association says Phoenix's old cameras cut red-light-running crashes 31% where they were used. 16 24
- Speed cameras have worked on Valley roads. During Scottsdale's 2006 Loop 101 pilot, the odds of a driver going 11 mph or more over the limit dropped 88%, and speeds climbed back after the cameras came down. Tempe police say collisions are down at the 14 intersections where the city added cameras. 8 17
- It locks out every town without a signed contract by the end of 2026, however dangerous its intersections get later, and the Voter Protection Act makes that hard to undo. AAA Arizona, which says cameras should never be budget-filling speed traps, argues in the pamphlet that banning "this life-saving technology" will mean more preventable deaths. 1 7 24
- Phoenix's police traffic unit is down to about 40 officers, and cameras fill part of the gap. A Gilbert traffic engineer points out in the pamphlet that an officer reviews the photo evidence before any citation goes out, which undercuts the measure's stated worry about handing enforcement to machines. It also indirectly cuts fines that help fund the Citizens Clean Elections Commission, which LD3 Democrats call a "backdoor" defunding. 4 15 24 27
Who's where
Sen. Wendy Rogers, the Goldwater Institute and county Republicans back it, but not one organization filed a Yes argument in the state pamphlet: the three for it come from private citizens. Six arguments against come from public-health and road-safety groups, AAA Arizona, a traffic engineer and a progressive civic group. Phoenix is officially neutral, and Progress Arizona's $1 million campaign against GOP referrals left this one alone. 22 24
The money
Fiscal impact
There's no official estimate: JLBC writes fiscal summaries only for citizen initiatives and posted none for the 2026 legislative referrals. KTAR notes the measure would indirectly reduce civil penalties and fines that partly fund the Citizens Clean Elections Fund (a 10% surcharge on photo radar fines); the ballot wording in the state pamphlet doesn't mention it. Phoenix says its program is designed to cover costs, not raise money. 4 5 23 24 27
32060% classroom-spending mandate for school districtsOrders every school district in a county of 500,000-plus people (Maricopa and Pima, at least) and any other district with 7,500 or more students to spend at least 60% of its operating budget on "direct instruction," or start losing Classroom Site Fund money, the pot that pays for teacher raises. It adds no new money, and Arizona districts currently average 52.1%. 1 5 12Our voteYesNoOrg. positions4 yes · 13 no
Our take
Under Arizona's school accounting, the football coach counts as "instruction" and the school nurse doesn't. So do field trips. Counselors, speech pathologists, social workers, bus drivers, custodians and the guy who keeps the AC alive through a Phoenix August all land on the other side of the line. That's the scoreboard Prop 320 wants every big district judged by. Districts spent 52.1% on instruction in 2025, the lowest since the Auditor General started counting in 2001, and Republicans call that bloat. The duller explanation: more kids in special education, new money that went to construction, and administrative spending per student that grew slower than inflation. 4 5 6 8
Prop 320 adds zero dollars. A district that misses its half-point-a-year climb loses a quarter of its Classroom Site Fund money, then half, then all of it. That's the fund voters created in 2000 with Prop 301 to raise teacher pay. So the penalty for not spending enough on teachers is taking away teacher-pay money. Tucson Unified sits at 48.5%. Baboquivari, which runs a 385-mile daily bus route on the Tohono O'odham Nation, is at 32%. Charter schools and voucher accounts are exempt, and the sponsor, Sen. Jake Hoffman, is one of the voucher program's biggest fans. 1 6 8 9 16
If Republicans want teachers paid more, they can fund schools at something closer to the national average than $11,987 a student against $17,873. They control the budget. 6 8
What it does
Every district with at least 7,500 students, in any county, or that runs a school in a county of at least 500,000 people would have to spend at least 60% of its "operational spending" on "direct instructional expenses," and the Auditor General would write both definitions. The Arizona Mirror counts 76 covered districts (all 71 in Maricopa and Pima counties plus five big rural ones such as Flagstaff, Florence and Maricopa Unified), teaching nearly 83% of public-school students. Whether every Pinal County district is in depends on Pinal's official population, and even the opponents writing in the state pamphlet disagree on that. Starting in 2027-28, a district under 60% must raise its share at least half a point a year. Miss that and the state cuts its Classroom Site Fund allocation 25% after one year out of compliance, 50% after two, 75% after three and 100% after four, with the forfeited money going to districts that comply. The state superintendent can grant a few one-year waivers. Because it falls under the Voter Protection Act, the Legislature could change it later only with a three-fourths vote that furthers its purpose. 1 2 6 12 21
- Yes
- A Yes vote requires covered districts to move toward spending 60% of operating budgets on direct instruction, with Classroom Site Fund cuts for districts that fall behind.
- No
- A No vote leaves spending decisions with local school boards, as they are now.
On your ballot
Yes: A “yes” vote shall have the effect of: (1) requiring school districts with 7,500 or more students in any county or that operate in a county with 500,000 or more people to spend at least 60% of their operational spending on direct instructional expenses; (2) requiring the state Auditor General to define “operational spending” and “direct instructional expenses”; (3) requiring non-compliant school districts to gradually adjust their spending each year until they are in compliance; and (4) requiring the state Department of Education to reduce funding from the state Classroom Site Fund by 25% each year for non-compliant districts, subject to limited waivers that the state Superintendent of Public Instruction may authorize.
No: A “no” vote shall have the effect of maintaining the current laws governing school district budgets.
Optional referral. Republicans passed SCR 1032 as a referral, which goes straight to voters and skips Gov. Hobbs, who has vetoed hundreds of GOP-only bills. Senate 16-12 on March 23; House 31-22 at nearly 4 a.m. on June 13, the last vote of the session, without a House committee hearing. Both votes were party-line. 3 6 Source
Arguments
For
- The classroom share keeps falling. Instruction dropped to 52.1% of operating spending in 2025, the third straight decline and a record low, even as total district spending grew $300 million to $13.4 billion. 5
- More money in the classroom means more for teachers. In its pamphlet argument the Goldwater Institute says the Auditor General found Arizona teachers would make $7,500 more a year if districts hadn't diverted money away from the classroom, and Goldwater's Chris Thomas says steering 60 cents of each dollar into instruction means higher pay or more teachers and aides. 8 13 21
- It's gradual. Districts only have to gain half a point a year, so Glendale Union would have six years and Tucson Unified 26 before penalties apply, and small districts outside the biggest counties are exempt. 1 8 15
- Supporters say districts have chosen administration over teachers. Goldwater's pamphlet argument points to a district that spent $500,000 sending staff to a conference at Caesars Palace in Las Vegas and to superintendent packages worth up to nearly half a million dollars a year. Hoffman calls it a broken system "focused on bloating the administration rather than funding classrooms." 6 9 21
Against
- It brings no new state money, so districts would have to shift dollars out of something else, and the counted category leaves out counselors, nurses, social workers, buses, meals, custodians, building repairs and air conditioning. Opponents in the pamphlet note that districts with more special-education students, older buildings and worn-out buses get hit hardest, because therapists, HVAC repairs and bus mechanics don't count. 8 12 21
- Voters would approve penalties before anyone knows the rules, because the Auditor General writes the definitions after the fact. The League of Women Voters of Arizona flags exactly that in its pamphlet argument. 1 7 21
- The math doesn't work for some districts. The Arizona School Boards Association says Phoenix Union could cut its entire transportation and food budgets and still fall short of 60%, and Kyrene would face about $5 million in additional cuts. 12 13
- The penalty hits the fund that pays for teacher raises and smaller classes; Mesa Unified expects more than $52 million from it this year. Charters are exempt, and analyst Dave Wells notes in the pamphlet that highly ranked BASIS spends only about 40% on instruction. Opponents also note Texas passed a similar 60% rule in 2006 and repealed it three years later. 6 12 21
Who's where
The Goldwater Institute, Heritage Action, Arizona Women of Action and Freedom Caucus Republicans back it. Teachers, school boards, children's advocates, Mi Familia Vota, the League of Women Voters, the ACLU and every Democratic legislator oppose it. The state pamphlet prints 28 arguments against and only 2 for, both from conservative groups. 21
The money
Fiscal impact
There's no official estimate: JLBC writes fiscal summaries only for citizen initiatives and posted none for the 2026 referrals. Prop 320 doesn't change total state spending; it reshuffles district budgets and moves Classroom Site Fund money from districts that miss the target to ones that hit it. Public schools got about $800 per student from that fund in 2025. 2 9 17
Maricopa County, cities and towns
Phoenix has no city measures this year. Your county, and maybe your town, does.
Everyone in Maricopa County votes on Prop 413, the jail sales tax, so start there. The City of Phoenix and Scottsdale have only candidates on the ballot. Mesa, Chandler, Tempe and a handful of other towns have measures of their own, and your ballot only shows the ones for the place you live. Check your sample ballot at elections.maricopa.gov.
Maricopa County
On every ballot in the county.
41320 more years of the county jail sales taxRenews the 0.2-cent countywide sales tax for jails, now expiring in March 2027, for another 20 years. The county expects about $313 million in the first full year. 1Our voteYesNoAgainst the defaultOrg. positions10 yes · 0 no
Our take
This is the big local one, and almost nobody is arguing about it. All ten arguments in the county pamphlet are Yes: the Greater Phoenix Chamber, two county supervisors, the sheriff, six police, deputy and probation unions, and the campaign PAC that paid for seven of them. Not one person filed against it 1. That tells you how the money moves in this county, not whether the jails deserve another 20 years of it.
And the jails are where people die. The Sheriff's Office counted 39 in-custody deaths in 2025, 20 of them drug-related, and four people died at Lower Buckeye in two weeks this summer 3. One criminologist puts Maricopa's jail death rate at roughly four times Chicago's or New York's 3. Handing the same system about $313 million a year, rising 4.7% a year, through 2047 1 without a single new string attached is not something we can sign up for.
We know the honest objection: the county has to run the jails no matter what, and if this fails the hole gets filled with property taxes or cuts elsewhere 1 2. Fine. Then make the Board of Supervisors come back with a shorter, smaller tax tied to fewer people in pretrial detention, more diversion and a real outside check on jail deaths. A No vote is the only leverage voters have.
What it does
Since 1998 Maricopa County has collected a sales tax of one-fifth of one cent (0.2%) on most purchases to pay for jails. It expires in March 2027 1. A 2025 state law (Laws 2025, Chapter 155) lets the county ask voters for a replacement at the same rate, for up to 20 years 1. The money can go only to building, renovating, running and maintaining adult and juvenile jails, plus programs meant to cut jail costs; in practice that has meant detention staff, correctional health, and adult and juvenile probation 1 2. The Board of Supervisors can lower the rate later but cannot raise it 1.
- Yes
- A Yes vote keeps the 0.2% county jail sales tax for up to 20 more years after it expires in March 2027.
- No
- A No vote lets the jail sales tax expire in March 2027, leaving the county to cover jail and probation costs from its general budget.
On your ballot
Yes: A "YES" vote shall have the effect of approving a sales tax of one-fifth of one cent ($0.002) for county jail facilities and programs, the same rate as the current tax that is expiring.
No: A "NO" vote shall have the effect of rejecting a sales tax of one-fifth of one cent ($0.002) for jail facilities and programs.
Required to go to voters. A new county sales tax needs voter approval. The Legislature authorized the vote in 2025 and the Board of Supervisors referred it to the ballot on January 5, 2026 1. Source
Taxes and bonds. Same rate as today: 0.2%, or 20 cents on a $100 purchase. The county projects about $313 million in the first full year (FY2027-28), growing about 4.7% a year. The current tax has raised about $3.25 billion since March 2007 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It is not a new tax or a rate increase. It continues a rate voters approved in 1998 and again in 2002 1.
- Running jails, correctional health and probation is required by law. The police unions say a citizen committee's review found 99% of detention-fund spending is required by law, court order or the constitution. If the tax expires, the county would have to raise property taxes, cut other services, or both 1 2.
- The money is legally restricted to jail and related public safety uses and cannot be moved to unrelated spending. The supervisors add that paying as it goes keeps the county from borrowing to run its jails 1.
- The old jails need work: plumbing at Lower Buckeye and Fourth Avenue, renovation at Estrella, and replacement of the 1980s-era Towers Jail 2.
Against
- Twenty years is a long blank check. Voters get no say again until 2047, while the money grows an estimated 4.7% a year 1.
- The jail system has a record of in-custody deaths (39 in 2025, by the Sheriff's own count) that the measure does nothing to address 3.
- Locking in a dedicated revenue stream for detention makes it easier to keep jailing people who are awaiting trial or have low-level charges, instead of funding diversion and treatment.
- A regressive sales tax falls hardest on lower-income households, who spend more of what they earn on taxable goods.
Who's where
The business lobby, the Board of Supervisors, the Sheriff and every major police union are for it. The county pamphlet has ten arguments for and none against 1.
The money
- Adult jails (Sheriff)$180M
- Correctional health$53M
- Adult probation$32M
- Juvenile corrections & probation$28M
- Facilities & repair$17M
- Other (IT, justice data, emergency mgmt.)$3M
County projection from the pamphlet's "Summary of Anticipated Taxes and Use of Taxes" (page 8). Treatment, diversion and reentry programs don't get a line of their own.
Fiscal impact
The county estimates the tax would bring in about $313 million in its first full year, rising about 4.7% a year with population and retail growth 1. A maintenance-of-effort rule requires the county to keep putting its own general-fund money into jails, adjusted for inflation 1.
Mesa
Q1$150M public safety bondMesa wants to borrow $150 million for a police and fire training campus, a rebuilt fleet garage, a bigger Central Police Station, new emergency radios and land for future fire stations, repaid with property taxes.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions3 yes · 0 no
Our take
Any time a city puts the words "public safety" on a bond, we read the receipt. Here is Mesa's: $61.5 million for a joint police and fire training campus (with air-conditioned space, which matters when recruits drill in July), $40.9 million to replace the fleet and warehouse complex at the West Mesa Service Center that keeps fire engines, patrol cars and city trucks running, $28.7 million to renovate and expand the Central Police Station, $10.1 million for the TOPAZ emergency radio network, and $5 million for land for future fire stations 2.
The police-only line is the station, under a fifth of the total, and the training campus is shared with fire. We'd rather Mesa spent its next dollar on crisis responders and housing, and we're allergic to anything that smells like a suburban Cop City. But most of this bond is firefighters, paramedics, radios that have to work the first time, and a garage that's more than 50 years old 1. Bond money can't hire officers or pay salaries 1. It's repaid through property taxes, which fall harder on people who own more, and Q1 plus Q2 together cost about $54 a year on a median Mesa home 1. Yes, with our eyes open.
What it does
Authorizes Mesa to issue up to $150 million in general obligation bonds for fire, medical, police and other public safety facilities, communications, equipment, technology and land 1. The city's project list: $61.5M for fire, medical and police training facilities, $40.9M to demolish and rebuild the West Mesa Service Center fleet and warehouse facilities, $28.7M to renovate and expand the Central Police Station, $10.1M to upgrade the TOPAZ public safety radio network, $5M for land for future fire stations, and $1.5M in issuance costs 2. Each bond series can run up to 25 years and is repaid with secondary property taxes 1 3. Projects still go back to the City Council for approval 1.
- Yes
- Mesa may borrow up to $150 million for public safety buildings, radios, equipment and land, repaid with secondary property taxes.
- No
- Mesa may not issue these bonds; the projects would wait for other funding or a future bond election.
Required to go to voters. Arizona cities must get voter approval to issue general obligation bonds backed by property taxes. The Mesa City Council called the election in Resolution No. 12538. Source
Taxes and bonds. Questions 1 and 2 share one tax estimate: an average added secondary property tax of $0.2226 per $100 of assessed value over about 26 years. That's about $22 a year per $100,000 of a home's taxable (limited) value, $53.91 a year on the median Mesa home ($194,975 taxable value), or $69.13 a year on a $250,000 home. Split by dollar amount, Q1 is a little over half of that. Total cost of both questions with interest: about $459 million. Source
Arguments
For
- Mesa's police and fire recruits need somewhere to train year-round, close to home, instead of borrowing time and space from other cities 1.
- The TOPAZ radio network carries every 911 response, and the fleet facility that maintains fire apparatus and patrol cars is more than 50 years old 1.
- Buying land now for future fire stations keeps response times down as the city grows 1.
- Bond money is restricted by law to buildings and equipment, never salaries, and every project returns to the council for approval 1.
Against
- No one filed an argument against Q1 in the city pamphlet 1.
- Critics of police spending will note that $28.7 million goes to expanding a police station and part of a $61.5 million training campus serves police, money that buys capacity for policing rather than alternatives to it 2.
- With interest, the two city bonds cost about $459 million, and Mesa voters are also being asked for a $449 million school bond on the same ballot 1.
Who's where
Every pamphlet argument is a Yes, filed by the mayor, council members and Mesa's fire and police unions; no one filed against.
The money
- Police & fire training facilities$61.5M
- West Mesa fleet & warehouse rebuild$40.9M
- Central Police Station$28.7M
- TOPAZ radio network$10.1M
- Land for fire stations$5.0M
- Issuance costs$1.5M
The city's list adds up to $147.7M; figures are estimates subject to council review.
Fiscal impact
The city estimates Questions 1 and 2 together will cost about $459.2 million in principal and interest, sold in six series, at an average added tax rate of $0.2226 per $100 of assessed value 1.
Q2$135M streets and paths bondHalf of this $135 million bond goes to shared-use paths for walking and biking; the rest rebuilds Mesa Drive, Broadway and Higley and builds a bridge east of Power Road.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions2 yes · 0 no
Our take
The biggest line in this bond is for people who aren't in cars. Mesa would spend $66.8 million on shared-use paths: the Lehi path, the next phase of the Mesa Gateway path, a US 60 path from Eastern to the Consolidated Canals, a downtown path and a Thomas Road path 2. Another $49 million rebuilds worn pavement on Mesa Drive, Broadway and Higley with medians, ramps and sidewalks, and $16.9 million builds a bridge over the East Maricopa Floodway and RWCD canals east of Power Road 2.
In a city laid out around wide arterials, separated paths and accessible curb ramps are about as good as transportation spending gets. The bridge mostly serves new growth in southeast Mesa, which developers could fairly be asked to help pay for, but it's also an emergency route. The cost is shared with Q1 and comes to about $54 a year on a median home for both 1. Easy yes.
What it does
Authorizes Mesa to issue up to $135 million in general obligation bonds for arterial street improvements, pavement reconstruction, streetlights, traffic signals, bridges, medians, shared-use paths and related land 1. The city's project list: $66.8M for five shared-use paths, $49M for street safety work on Mesa Drive (Main to Brown), Broadway (Stapley to Gilbert) and Higley (Broadway to McKellips), $16.9M for a bridge over the East Maricopa Floodway and RWCD canals east of Power Road, and $1.5M in issuance costs 2. Bonds are repaid with secondary property taxes 1 3.
- Yes
- Mesa may borrow up to $135 million for street rebuilds, paths and a bridge, repaid with secondary property taxes.
- No
- Mesa may not issue these bonds; the projects would wait for other funding or a future bond election.
Required to go to voters. Arizona cities must get voter approval to issue general obligation bonds backed by property taxes. The Mesa City Council called the election in Resolution No. 12538. Source
Taxes and bonds. Questions 1 and 2 share one tax estimate: an average added secondary property tax of $0.2226 per $100 of assessed value over about 26 years. That's about $22 a year per $100,000 of a home's taxable (limited) value, $53.91 a year on the median Mesa home, or $69.13 on a $250,000 home. Split by dollar amount, Q2 is a little under half of that. Source
Arguments
For
- It fixes what Mesa already built: worn pavement, medians, sidewalks and ramps on three corridors residents complain about most 1.
- Shared-use paths let kids walk and bike to school and give families a way to reach parks and jobs without a car 1.
- Fire engines and ambulances use the same streets, so safer, less congested roads speed emergency response 1.
- The projects came out of the city's Capital Improvement Program and each one returns to the council for approval 1.
Against
Who's where
All pamphlet arguments are Yes, from city officials, a community advocate and the fire and police unions; no one filed against.
The money
- Shared-use paths$66.8M
- Street safety & pavement$49.0M
- Bridge east of Power Rd$16.9M
- Issuance costs$1.5M
The city's list adds up to $134.2M; figures are estimates subject to council review.
Fiscal impact
The city estimates Questions 1 and 2 together will cost about $459.2 million in principal and interest, at an average added tax rate of $0.2226 per $100 of assessed value 1.
Q3Drop the two-meetings-a-month ruleMesa's charter requires the City Council to hold at least two regular meetings every month. Q3 removes that floor and points meeting-notice and closed-session rules to state law.Our voteYesNoAgainst the default
Our take
Billed as conforming to state law, Q3 mostly does housekeeping: notice rules and the list of reasons the council can meet behind closed doors would simply follow Arizona's open meeting law instead of an outdated copy of it 1. Fine. But it also deletes the charter line that says the council "shall hold a regular meeting at least twice in every month" 1. The council says it doesn't plan to change its schedule much and just wants to skip a meeting when business is light or during breaks 1.
Regular meetings are where Mesa residents get to stand at a microphone and be heard on the record. Two a month is a modest promise, and we don't see why voters should give it up so the council can take more time off. Vote No and let them come back with the cleanup alone.
What it does
Rewrites Mesa City Charter Section 209(A). The council would fix the time and place of regular meetings by ordinance under state law, without the current minimum of two regular meetings a month 1. Public notice of regular and special meetings, and the purposes allowed for executive (closed) sessions, would follow state law instead of the charter's own list 1. The council's ordinance says the goal is flexibility to hold fewer than two regular meetings in some months 1 2. City code currently sets meetings for the first and third Mondays at 5:30 p.m. 1.
- Yes
- The charter's two-meetings-a-month minimum goes away and meeting notice and closed-session rules defer to state law.
- No
- The charter keeps requiring at least two regular council meetings every month, with its current notice language.
Required to go to voters. Changes to a city charter in Arizona must be approved by the city's voters (and then the governor). The council adopted Ordinance No. 6017 on June 1, 2026 to send it to the ballot. Source
Arguments
For
- The charter's notice and executive-session language doesn't fully match Arizona's open meeting law; pointing to state law removes conflicts and future amendments 1.
- The council can skip a regular meeting in months when its business can be handled in one, or during scheduled breaks 1.
Against
Who's where
Q4Post ordinances online, not in three placesEvery Mesa ordinance would have to go on the city website, physical postings drop from three locations to one, and "publish" would no longer mean printing in a newspaper.Our voteYesNo
Our take
This rewrites part of a 1992 citizen initiative, which normally puts us on guard. But look at the trade. Every ordinance, not just the ones carrying fines or penalties, would have to be posted on the city website, which goes beyond what state law requires 1. Physical postings drop from three spots to one, and "publish" stops meaning "print in a newspaper" and starts meaning whatever state law allows 1.
The website is where people actually look; the newspaper legal notice mostly costs the city money. Our one worry is that tying "publish" to state law means Mesa's standard will float with whatever the Legislature decides next 1. Yes, narrowly.
What it does
Amends Mesa City Charter Section 211. After an ordinance is introduced and again after adoption, the clerk would post it on the city website and at one physical location, instead of three public places 1 2. The charter's definition of "publish," now printing in a newspaper of general circulation, would become printing, displaying or otherwise making available under state law 1. The council says this follows a 2021 state law change that cut required postings from three to one and added website posting, and would let Mesa use cheaper publication methods if the Legislature allows them 1.
- Yes
- Ordinances must be posted on Mesa's website and at one physical location, and publication follows state law instead of requiring newspaper printing.
- No
- The charter keeps requiring posting in three public places and newspaper publication of ordinance summaries and adopted ordinances.
Required to go to voters. Changes to a city charter in Arizona must be approved by the city's voters (and then the governor). The council adopted Ordinance No. 6016 on June 1, 2026 to send it to the ballot. Source
Arguments
For
- Posting every ordinance online gives residents more notice than state law requires, since the state rule covers only ordinances with penalties 1.
- It cuts the cost of paying newspapers to print ordinances twice, once as a summary and once in full 1.
Against
Who's where
Mesa Public Schools
419$449M Mesa Public Schools bondMesa Public Schools wants $449 million, mostly for air conditioning, roofs, plumbing and electrical work in buildings that average about 40 years old. The district projects its bond tax rate stays about where it is now.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions4 yes · 0 no
Our take
About 70 percent of this money is the least glamorous stuff a school district can buy: HVAC, roofs, plumbing, electrical and structural repairs 2. Mesa's schools average about 40 years old and the district's own assessment found $1.4 billion in capital needs; this bond covers about a third of that 1. Arizona's state building-renewal money is small and subject to the Legislature's mood every year 1, so in practice local bonds are how air conditioning gets fixed in a city that hits 110 in June.
The No side's pamphlet arguments are long and lean heavily on charter schools, homeschooling and test scores, none of which change whether a cooling system works 1. The best point it makes is about size: enrollment is falling. Fair, but closing schools doesn't fix the roofs on the ones that stay open. And because old bonds are retiring, the district projects the combined bond tax rate holding near today's level rather than climbing 1. A No vote would mean lower taxes in a few years, sure, paid for by kids sitting in 40-year-old buildings.
What it does
Authorizes Mesa Unified School District to issue up to $449 million in general obligation bonds to build and renovate schools, improve grounds, and buy furniture, equipment and technology 1. The district says about 70% would go to building infrastructure (HVAC, roofing, plumbing, electrical, structural), about 10% to safety, security and technology such as secure front lobbies and cameras, about 15% to projects chosen by individual schools, and 5% to career and technical education 2 3. The district serves about 53,000 students in buildings averaging about 40 years old 1. Bonds would be sold in phases through 2030 and repaid over no more than 20 years each 1. Planned projects include major renovations at Red Mountain High and replacement of the Carson Junior High and Emerson Elementary campuses 2.
- Yes
- Mesa Public Schools may borrow up to $449 million for building repairs, renovations, safety and technology, repaid with secondary property taxes.
- No
- The district may not issue the bonds; existing bond debt would keep paying down and capital repairs would rely on limited state funding.
Required to go to voters. Arizona school districts need voter approval to issue general obligation bonds repaid with property taxes. The governing board called the election on May 14, 2026. Source
Taxes and bonds. Estimated average bond tax rate: $0.8067 per $100 of assessed value. That's $80.67 a year per $100,000 of a home's taxable (limited) value, about $170 a year ($14 a month) on the district's average home ($210,422), or $223.83 a year for 13 years on a $250,000 home. Because current bonds are retiring, the district projects the combined bond rate holding at roughly $0.98, near the current level, through the program. Total cost with interest: about $598.6 million. Source
Arguments
For
- Schools averaging 40 years old need HVAC, roofs, plumbing and electrical systems replaced, and state capital funding isn't enough to cover it 1.
- It funds secure front lobbies, updated cameras and other safety infrastructure, plus upgrades to career and technical education programs 2.
- The district projects the bond tax rate will stay at or below today's level throughout the program 2.
- Bond money can only be spent on capital projects, not salaries 2.
Against
- With interest, the bond costs about $600 million while enrollment is falling; opponents say the district should consolidate underused campuses before borrowing 1.
- Some argue the district hasn't tied the spending to measurable academic gains, citing low reading and math proficiency 1.
- If the bond fails, existing district bond debt would be paid off around the end of the decade, letting the tax drop 1.
- Property taxes get passed on to renters, which some argue hurts housing affordability 1.
Who's where
The teachers union, Mesa Chamber, firefighters, the mayor and several Democratic legislators back it; dozens of individual residents, including some Republican precinct committee members, filed arguments against.
The money
- HVAC, roofs, plumbing, electrical~70%
- School-chosen site projects~15%
- Safety, security, technology~10%
- Career & technical ed5%
Fiscal impact
The county superintendent's pamphlet estimates total principal and interest of $598.6 million at an assumed 5% interest rate, with an average added bond tax rate of $0.8067 per $100 of assessed value 1.
420Let MPS sell or lease five propertiesGives the Mesa Public Schools board permission, not an obligation, to sell, lease or swap five district sites, including the old administrative building on Main Street, and spend the proceeds on capital needs.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions3 yes · 0 no
Our take
This is the district asking to clean out the garage. The five sites are mostly administrative and alternative-program properties: McKellips Learning Center, Riverview, the Student Service Center, the Administrative Service Center on Main Street and Sunridge Learning Center, roughly 17 acres in all 2. Money from any deal can only go to capital costs like buildings, buses and technology, and there's no tax impact 1.
Our wish is that public land in central Mesa would go to affordable housing rather than the highest bidder, and nothing here requires that. But a No doesn't make that happen either; it just leaves the district paying to keep buildings it doesn't need. Yes.
What it does
Authorizes the governing board to sell, lease or exchange all or part of five district parcels and use the proceeds to buy school sites, build or improve schools, buy technology or student transportation vehicles, or for other permitted capital spending 1. The parcels: McKellips Learning Center (325 E. McKellips Rd., about 2.96 acres), Riverview (1731 N. Country Club Dr., about 6.6 acres), Student Service Center (1025 N. Country Club Dr., about 3.9 acres), Administrative Service Center (63 E. Main St., about 0.41 acres) and Sunridge Learning Center (737 W. Guadalupe Rd., about 3.22 acres) 2. Approval does not require the district to sell anything 2 3.
- Yes
- The MPS board may sell, lease or exchange the five listed properties and use the money for capital needs.
- No
- The district keeps the properties and cannot sell, lease or exchange them without another vote.
Required to go to voters. Arizona law requires school districts to get voter approval to sell, lease or exchange certain district property. Source
Arguments
For
- It lets the district stop maintaining underused administrative buildings and put the value back into schools 1.
- Proceeds are limited to capital uses and the measure carries no additional tax 1.
Against
Who's where
The same coalition backing Prop 419 filed joint arguments for 420; no one filed against.
Chandler
430Keep Home Rule (Chandler's spending limit)If this fails, a state formula based on 1979-80 spending would force Chandler to cut roughly $232 million a year from its budget, even though the city would still collect the money 1.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions1 yes · 0 no
Our take
This is the most boring item on the Chandler ballot and the one that could do the most damage if it lost. Arizona's constitution caps what every city may spend, using a formula pegged to what that city spent in fiscal 1979-80, adjusted for population and inflation 1. The Chandler of 1980 did not run the water system, the libraries, the aquatic centers, or the fire coverage the city runs today. Home Rule lets voters swap that formula for a limit the council sets each year, in public, at a hearing, equal to the budget it adopts 3.
If it fails, nothing about your taxes changes. The city keeps collecting the same revenue, but it would be legally barred from spending about $232 million a year of it 1 2. The council's own list of what goes first: fire and police, parks, recreation and library programs, street maintenance, and capital projects 1. You would pay for services and then not get them, which is austerity with extra paperwork. Chandler has renewed Home Rule 11 straight times since 1982, and nobody even bothered to file an argument against it this year 1. Make it 12.
What it does
Arizona's constitution limits how much a city can spend each year using a state formula based on 1979-80 spending levels, adjusted for population and inflation 1 2. Voters can replace that with a local alternative, called Home Rule, for four years at a time 2. Prop 430 continues Chandler's Home Rule for fiscal years 2027-28 through 2030-31; each year the council sets the limit at a public hearing, and it equals the adopted budget 1 3. It does not raise any tax or let the city spend money it doesn't collect 2.
- Yes
- Chandler keeps setting its own spending limit through the annual budget for four more years.
- No
- Chandler falls under the state formula and must cut roughly $232 million a year in spending, even though its revenue stays the same.
Required to go to voters. The Arizona Constitution (Article IX, Section 20) only allows a city to use a local spending limit if its voters approve it, and the approval has to be renewed every four years 3 2. Source
Taxes and bonds. No tax change either way. The city's revenue estimates are identical under Home Rule and under the state limit; only how much of it may legally be spent differs. City property tax stays capped by the state constitution 1. Source
Arguments
For
- The state formula is based on 1979-80 service levels and doesn't account for the city Chandler has become, with its modern infrastructure and expanded services 1.
- Failing would force about $232 million a year in cuts to fire, police, parks, libraries, and street maintenance, plus canceled capital projects, while residents keep paying the same taxes 1.
- The spending limit is still set publicly every year, after a hearing, and can't exceed the money the city actually takes in 3 2.
Against
Who's where
The Chandler Chamber of Commerce and all seven City Council members filed arguments for it; no one filed against 1.
The money
Fiscal impact
The city estimates spending authority of $1.13 billion (FY2028), $1.01 billion (FY2029), $1.04 billion (FY2030) and $1.08 billion (FY2031) under Home Rule, versus $872 million, $784 million, $814 million and $849 million under the state limit. Revenue is the same in both cases 1.
431Pick the vice mayor every JanuaryWrites into the charter what the council already does: choose a vice mayor at its first regular meeting each January, instead of within 31 days of taking office 1 3.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Pure housekeeping. The charter says the council picks a vice mayor within 31 days of taking office; for about 16 years it has actually done it at the first January meeting, and this makes the paper match reality 1 3. Vote Yes and keep going.
One thing worth knowing while you're here: the same resident committee that suggested this also unanimously recommended adding gender and other protected status to the charter's anti-discrimination section. The council decided that one didn't need to go to voters 3. So the vice mayor's calendar made the ballot and gender equality didn't.
What it does
The charter currently requires the council to elect a vice mayor, who fills in when the mayor is absent, within 31 days after taking office 1. Prop 431 changes that to the first regular council meeting in January of each year, which codifies the council's long-standing practice 1 3. It came from the City Charter Amendment Resident Advisory Committee 1.
- Yes
- The vice mayor is chosen at the council's first regular meeting each January.
- No
- The charter keeps the current within-31-days language.
Required to go to voters. Any change to a city charter in Arizona has to be approved by that city's voters. The council referred this one on the advice of a resident charter committee 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It gives the city a clear, predictable date for choosing the vice mayor 2.
- It matches how the council has actually handled the selection for years 3.
Against
- It fixes a problem that wasn't causing trouble, and adds one more item to an already long ballot 3.
Who's where
Fiscal impact
None identified.
432Match resign-to-run rules to state lawA council member running for mayor mid-term would have to resign when they file nomination papers, matching state law, instead of when they pick them up 1 3.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Another cleanup. Chandler's charter says a council member who wants to run for mayor before their term ends must resign when they take out nomination papers; state law triggers on filing them, and the city attorney's office told the council the city already follows state law over the charter's fuzzier wording 1 3. Making the charter say what the city actually does is good government, and it heads off a lawsuit over the difference.
What it does
Under the current charter, a council member whose term runs past the next mayoral swearing-in must resign to run for mayor when they take out nomination papers from the city clerk, or 105 days before the primary, whichever comes first 1. Prop 432 changes the trigger to filing nomination papers with the clerk, matching A.R.S. 38-296 1 2. The change also uses gender-neutral wording and clarifies how the council fills the resulting vacancy 1.
- Yes
- A council member running for mayor resigns upon filing nomination papers with the city clerk.
- No
- The charter keeps the current take-out-papers language.
Required to go to voters. City charter changes require voter approval. A resident advisory committee recommended this one unanimously 1 3. Source
Arguments
For
- It brings the charter in line with state law and with how the city already operates 2 3.
- Clear rules reduce the chance of legal fights over when a candidate has to give up a seat 3.
Against
- The city already follows state law here, so some council members questioned whether it needed to be on the ballot at all 3.
Who's where
Fiscal impact
None identified.
433End the two-meeting rule for city ordinancesChandler's council could pass an ordinance at a single meeting; today the charter makes it introduce the ordinance, publish it, and come back to adopt it later 1 4.Our voteYesNoAgainst the default
Our take
Right now a Chandler ordinance gets two shots in public: the council tentatively approves it, the clerk publishes it, and the council comes back within 30 days to adopt it 1. That gap is where regular people find out what's happening, call their council member, and show up. Prop 433 deletes it. It also drops the requirement that the adopted ordinance be published in full twice, leaving one publication 4. Mayor Hartke backed the change for the speed of business 3. We'd rather have the slow version, where the public gets a second look.
Staff says the city code will still require two readings for ordinances that set fees or penalties or create new offenses 3. That promise isn't on the ballot, and the city's own staff confirmed a future council could rewrite that code whenever it likes 3. The protection voters have now is in the charter, which only voters can change. Swapping it for a code section the council can edit on its own is a bad trade. Vice Mayor Angel Encinas opposed this in council for the same reason 3.
What it does
The charter now requires the council to tentatively approve an ordinance, have the clerk publish it, and then consider it again within 30 days before final adoption, with the full text published twice afterward 1 4. Prop 433 removes the tentative-approval and pre-adoption publication steps: an ordinance would just be placed on a council agenda by title with notice of the meeting, and interested people would still get a chance to be heard 4. After adoption it would be published once instead of twice 4. City staff plan a separate code change keeping two readings for fees, penalties, and new offenses, but that isn't part of this measure 3.
- Yes
- The council could adopt most ordinances at a single meeting.
- No
- The charter keeps requiring two council considerations for every ordinance.
Required to go to voters. Changing the city charter requires voter approval. The resident charter committee recommended this unanimously, and the council referred it 1 3. Source
Arguments
For
- It streamlines the legislative process so routine ordinances don't need to sit for weeks 2 3.
- The city plans to keep two readings in its code for the ordinances that matter most to residents, such as fees, penalties, and new offenses 3.
- Each ordinance must still be on a published agenda, and the public still gets to be heard 4.
Against
Who's where
Fiscal impact
None identified.
434Drop the live-in-Chandler rule for department headsThe ballot wording talks about requiring residency, but the main effect is removing it: department heads, including the police chief, would no longer have to live in Chandler 1 5.Our voteYesNoAgainst the default
Our take
Read the ballot language and you'd think this tightens residency rules. It says Prop 434 requires the city manager and council appointees to live in Chandler within 12 months 1. What it leaves out is the bigger change: the charter's current rule that department heads must move to Chandler within six months of being hired gets deleted 1 2. That includes the police chief.
And the timing is not subtle. Fox 10 reported this June that Police Chief Bryan Chapman, hired in 2024, kept his primary home in Ahwatukee while the former city manager signed off that a Chandler lease satisfied the rule. Chapman says he kept getting outbid on Chandler homes 5. The city says the charter review started before that memo 5, and fair enough. But we think the person running a city's police department should live in the city they police and run into residents at Bashas'. Our bias is accountability, and a residency rule is a small, real piece of it. Swapping it for a city manager policy that a future manager can rewrite, as was floated in council 3, is a downgrade. The committee only backed this 5-2, and Vice Mayor Encinas voted against it 3 5. Vote No and let them come back with an honest ballot question that keeps the chiefs in town.
What it does
The charter now says the city manager and all department heads must become Chandler residents within six months of appointment, and all city employees must live within a reasonable radius of the city 1. Prop 434 keeps the requirement for the city manager and other employees appointed directly by the council (currently the city attorney, city clerk and city magistrate), extends their deadline to 12 months, and removes it for department heads 1 2. It changes reasonable radius to reasonable distance for all employees 1. Directors' residency would then be handled by city management policy rather than the charter 3.
- Yes
- Only the city manager and council-appointed officers must live in Chandler (within 12 months); department heads, including police and fire chiefs, no longer must.
- No
- The charter keeps requiring the city manager and all department heads to move to Chandler within six months.
Required to go to voters. Charter changes require voter approval. The council referred this after a resident advisory committee recommended a version of it 5-2 1 3. Source
Arguments
For
- Forcing every director to move can hurt recruiting and retention, especially for households with two working spouses 3.
- The city's top council-appointed officers would still have to live in Chandler, and they'd get a more realistic 12 months to move 1 2.
- Chandler is a big city now; a proximity standard for directors fits a metro where city lines are a few blocks away 3.
Against
- The ballot's descriptive title never mentions that department heads lose the residency requirement 1.
- Leaders, especially police and fire chiefs, should live in the community they serve 3.
- The change arrives in the middle of a dispute over whether the current police chief actually complies with the existing rule 5.
Who's where
No arguments were filed for or against; Vice Mayor Angel Encinas voted against sending it to the ballot 1 5.
Fiscal impact
None identified.
Q125-year APS franchise for city streetsA 25-year deal (2027-2051) letting APS keep its poles and lines in Chandler's streets, in exchange for 2% of what APS bills customers inside city limits, about $650,000 a year 1 2.Our voteYesNoOrg. positions2 yes · 0 no
Our take
We have no love for APS. It is a for-profit monopoly, and a franchise vote is about the only time Chandler voters get any say over it at all, so we get the urge to vote No just to make a point. But know what this vote does and doesn't do. A franchise is a lease on the public right-of-way: the strips of street and alley where APS runs its poles and lines. It doesn't pick your utility, set your rates, or decide whether APS keeps serving its Chandler customers. If it fails, APS keeps the lights on anyway, and the city loses a written rulebook for crews digging up its streets, while ROW-related payments to the city stop until voters approve a new deal 2.
The agreement itself is decent. APS has to move its lines at its own cost when the city widens a road (with standard exceptions), carry insurance, and open its books to audit. The city explicitly keeps its right to condemn and buy APS's local wires someday 3. Know who actually pays the 2% fee: the agreement says APS collects it from customers, so it's on your bill if you're APS 3. Lots of Chandler voters aren't APS customers at all, which is why the city's FAQ explains why they still get a ballot 2. The fee brought in $636,768 last fiscal year 2, about 0.06% of the $1.13 billion the city expects to be allowed to spend in FY2028 1. Vote Yes, and save your anger for the Corporation Commission races, where APS's rates are actually decided 3.
What it does
A franchise is a contract that lets a utility use public streets, alleys, and other rights-of-way for its equipment 2. Question 1 grants APS a non-exclusive franchise from January 1, 2027 through December 31, 2051 to build, maintain, and operate its electric system in Chandler's rights-of-way 1. In return APS pays the city 2% of gross revenue from its commodity and basic service charges to customers inside city limits, plus regular city taxes 3. The agreement also sets rules for relocating lines, insurance, audits, and the city's use of APS poles for streetlights and public-safety communications 3. APS currently operates under a 25-year franchise that is about to expire 2.
- Yes
- APS gets a new 25-year franchise to use Chandler's rights-of-way, and the city keeps collecting a 2% franchise fee.
- No
- APS keeps providing service, but without a franchise agreement governing its work in city streets; the city and APS would have to negotiate and bring a new deal back to voters 2.
Required to go to voters. The Arizona Constitution and the Chandler City Charter require voter approval of a utility franchise 1 2. Source
Taxes and bonds. No new tax. The 2% franchise fee is collected from APS customers inside city limits and passed to the city 3; the city says approving the franchise doesn't raise electric rates 2. Source
Arguments
For
- The franchise sets clear rules for how APS builds and repairs equipment in city streets and restores them afterward, including during outages 2 1.
- The 2% fee funds general city services like road work and public facilities 1.
- The City Council approved it unanimously, and it doesn't decide who provides your electricity 1.
Against
Who's where
APS, the Chandler Chamber of Commerce, and Councilmember (and mayor-elect) Matt Orlando filed arguments for it; no one filed against 1.
The money
Fiscal impact
Chandler received $529,376 (FY2022-23), $537,763 (FY2023-24), $638,080 (FY2024-25) and $636,768 (FY2025-26) in APS franchise fees, and budgets $650,000 for FY2026-27 2.
Tempe
424Half-cent sales tax for police, fire, transit and preschoolRaises Tempe's sales tax from 1.8% to 2.3% with no end date, groceries excluded. Of an estimated $50 million a year, about $30 million goes to public safety and $10 million each to transit and preschool.Our voteYesNoAgainst the defaultOrg. positions4 yes · 2 no
Our take
We wanted to like this one. Tempe really did get mugged by the Legislature: the state's repeal of the residential rental sales tax and other changes cost the city an estimated $25.7 million a year, $21.7 million of it from the rental tax alone 5. And Prop 424 carries things we'd fund tomorrow: more money for buses, Orbit and the streetcar extension toward Mesa, the bike and pedestrian bridge over Tempe Town Lake west of McClintock, and more Tempe PRE preschool classrooms 2.
Then look at the split. Of roughly $50.5 million a year, $30.3 million goes to public safety, including more police officers, a bigger patrol fleet and expanded Real Time Operations Center capability, while transit and preschool get about $10.1 million each 5. It's a sales tax, which takes a bigger bite from people with less, with no sunset 3, raising about twice the hole it's meant to fill, and a big slice of it goes to a police department still answering for this summer's Mill Avenue arrest video 6. The preschool and transit money are bundled in with the police money, take it or leave it. That's why Tempe's most progressive legislators, Sens. Lauren Kuby and Mitzi Epstein and Rep. Brian Garcia, signed arguments against it 4.
A No doesn't kill transit or Tempe PRE. It sends the council back to put the pieces on the ballot separately and look at fairer revenue; Epstein points to commercial leases, construction and hotel stays 4. We'll vote No and hope they're back soon with the good parts on their own.
What it does
Creates a new 0.5% city transaction privilege (sales) and use tax starting Jan. 1, 2027, raising Tempe's city rate from 1.8% to 2.3% 2. Food for home consumption from grocery and convenience stores stays at 1.8% 2. The ballot language designates 0.3% for police, fire, emergency operations, safety programs and crime prevention through environmental design; 0.1% for transit and bike and pedestrian projects; and 0.1% for early childhood care and preschool, with access going first to Tempe residents, then Tempe school teachers, city employees and people who work for Tempe businesses 3. The ballot text sets no expiration date 3. City staff project about $30.3 million a year for public safety and about $10.1 million each for transit and early childhood 5.
- Yes
- Tempe's sales tax rises to 2.3% on most purchases starting in 2027, with the new half cent split among public safety, transit and preschool.
- No
- Tempe's sales tax stays at 1.8% and the city must close its budget gap some other way.
Required to go to voters. Tempe's existing sales tax rates were approved by voters, and the City Council referred the new half cent to voters under City Charter Section 5.02 by adopting Resolution No. R2026.48 on May 14, 2026. Source
Taxes and bonds. Adds 0.5% to taxable purchases in Tempe: 5 cents on $10, 50 cents on $100. Groceries for home consumption are excluded and stay at 1.8%. The current 1.8% city rate is 1.2% general fund, 0.5% transit and 0.1% arts and culture. No sunset. City staff estimate it raises about $50.5 million a year. Source
Arguments
For
- The Legislature's repeal of the residential rental tax and other state changes left Tempe about $25 million a year short, and the city has already made $19 million in temporary cuts 4 5 7.
- Groceries are excluded, and visitors, commuters and students who shop in Tempe share the cost instead of residents carrying it alone 4.
- It funds transit, the streetcar extension into Mesa and the Upstream Dam bike and pedestrian bridge; bike advocates warn those projects stall and federal matching money is lost without it 4.
- Supporters say Tempe has fewer police officers than in 2009 and has added only one fire station since 2005 while the daytime population has grown 4.
Against
- Sales taxes are regressive, and about 16% of Tempe residents live at or below the poverty line, opponents note 4.
- It would raise about $50 million a year, roughly double the $24 to $25 million shortfall it's meant to fix, with no end date 4 5 8.
- Bundling police money with preschool and transit forces voters to take all three or none, and there's no citizen oversight committee 4.
- Some residents don't want to give more to a police department facing use-of-force incidents and lawsuits 6. Others point to city spending like the $2 million Mill Avenue gateway sign 4 6.
Who's where
Tempe's fire and police unions and the local bike advocacy group are for it; three Democratic state legislators from Tempe signed arguments against, alongside fiscal conservatives and the founders of Changing Hands Bookstore.
The money
- Public safety (police, fire, rangers)$30.3M
- Transit, bike & pedestrian$10.1M
- Early childhood & preschool$10.1M
Fiscal impact
City staff project the 0.3% public safety share at about $30.3 million a year and the transit and early childhood shares at about $10.1 million each 5. If it fails, the city rate stays at 1.8% 2.
Peoria
41725-year franchise for Rose Valley WaterLets Rose Valley Water, a private utility serving about 2,400 connections in Peoria, keep its pipes under city streets for 25 years in exchange for 2% of its Peoria water revenue 1 2 4.Our voteYesNo
Our take
If you're not a Rose Valley customer, this won't touch your water bill 2. Here's what it is anyway. Rose Valley Water is a small private water company serving about 2,400 connections in Peoria, owned since 2023 by Northwest Natural Holding Company of Portland, Oregon 4 1. Its pipes run under city streets, and a franchise is the city's permission slip for that, plus the rules: permits, street repairs, insurance, relocating pipes for city projects, and a 2% cut of its Peoria water revenue 1. Rose Valley even paid the $121,254 it cost to put this on the ballot 1.
The part we like best: Peoria keeps the right to buy or condemn Rose Valley's system, and the contract says the franchise itself counts for nothing when valuing the company in a buyout 1. So a Yes doesn't close the door on public water for these neighborhoods. A No doesn't open one either; Rose Valley would keep serving customers under a temporary deal until voters approve a franchise later 2.
What it does
Prop 417 grants Rose Valley Water Company a non-exclusive 25-year franchise to build, maintain and operate water distribution and transmission lines in Peoria's public rights-of-way within its state-certificated service area, including future annexations 1 5. Rose Valley pays the city 2% of gross receipts from water sales inside city limits, plus permit fees and city taxes 1. The agreement requires city approval for work in the right-of-way, restoration of streets, $5 million in liability insurance, and cost-sharing rules for moving pipes 1. If approved, it takes effect December 1, 2026 2.
- Yes
- Rose Valley Water gets a 25-year franchise to use Peoria's rights-of-way, and the city collects a 2% franchise fee.
- No
- The franchise is denied; Rose Valley keeps serving customers under a temporary agreement until a franchise is approved at a later election 2.
Required to go to voters. Arizona law (A.R.S. 9-502) requires voter approval for a utility franchise; the council deemed it beneficial and referred it on April 21, 2026 1 3. Source
Taxes and bonds. No new tax. The 2% franchise fee applies to Rose Valley's water sales inside Peoria; the city says the fee keeps the cost of Rose Valley's use of the streets from falling on other residents 2. Source
Arguments
For
- It formalizes Rose Valley's use of city rights-of-way under clear permitting, repair and insurance rules 1 3.
- The 2% fee compensates the city for the use of its streets, in line with other utility agreements 2 3.
- The city keeps its right to buy or condemn the system, and the franchise adds no value to the company in a buyout 1.
Against
Who's where
The money
Fiscal impact
The city has not published a revenue estimate for the fee. Rose Valley deposited the estimated $121,254.24 election cost with the City Clerk 1.
Avondale
418$55 million public safety bond, take twoThe same $55 million police, fire and court bond Avondale voters rejected by 13 votes in 2025, back on a bigger-turnout ballot 1 2.Our voteYesNoAgainst the default
Our take
Last November, Avondale voters passed a parks and libraries bond and turned down this exact public safety bond, 3,631 to 3,618, in an all-mail election where only about 16.7% of voters turned out 1. The council put it right back on the ballot, unchanged, betting a bigger November crowd flips it 2. Fair enough, that's democracy. Here's why we'd still vote No.
The $55 million covers five projects: a fire and police substation in southern Avondale near Phoenix Raceway, a new public safety headquarters, a police firearms training facility estimated at $10 to 12 million, an expansion of the main police station, and more office space for the city court 2. City staff told the council the $55 million may not cover all five, and the council would decide priorities after it passes 2. So you're voting on a bundle, and you don't get to say that the fire station comes first and the gun range comes last. The fire substation and the court space (where staff are working out of filing rooms) are real needs 2. Two of the five are purely police projects, and two more are shared fire-and-police buildings 2. We'd rather see a smaller, fire-first bond, and we'd vote for that one happily. If you're fine with the whole package, a Yes won't raise your rate 1. We're not.
What it does
Prop 418 would let Avondale borrow up to $55 million through general obligation bonds, repaid with secondary property taxes, for fire station and training facilities, public safety and court facilities, equipment, vehicles, communications systems and land 1. The city's planned projects are a southern Avondale fire/police substation, a new public safety headquarters, a police firearms training facility, an expansion of the main police station, and a City Court office expansion 2 4. Bonds could be issued in series with terms up to 25 years, and the council must approve each sale 1 2. It is a near-identical rerun of 2025's Proposition 405 1.
- Yes
- Avondale may sell up to $55 million in bonds for police, fire and court facilities, repaid with secondary property taxes.
- No
- The city can't issue these bonds; it would have to postpone the projects or find other money 1.
Required to go to voters. Arizona law (A.R.S. 35-452) requires voter approval for a city to issue general obligation bonds, and the election must be held in November. The council called it 7-0 on May 4, 2026 1 2. Source
Taxes and bonds. Avondale's combined property tax rate is $1.4592 per $100 of assessed value ($0.5813 primary, $0.8779 secondary) 1. The state-required ballot wording says the bonds will result in a property tax increase sufficient to pay the debt 1, while the city says the rate won't rise because new bonds are timed as old ones are paid off 2. Both are true in their way: the rate stays flat, but the secondary tax that would otherwise shrink as old debt retires keeps going. Staff estimates the city can issue about $123 million over 11 years at the current rate 1. Source
Arguments
For
- A southern Avondale fire and police substation would improve response times and support big events at Phoenix Raceway 2.
- Avondale has no firearms training facility of its own and sends officers to Glendale, where access is getting tighter 2.
- The court has outgrown its space, with staff working in filing rooms, and the bonds can be issued without raising the property tax rate 2.
Against
- Voters approve a lump sum, and the council sets priorities later; staff says $55 million may not fund all five projects 2.
- Most of the package is police facilities, including a firearms range estimated at $10 to 12 million 2.
- Keeping the rate flat means passing up a lower tax bill as older bonds are retired 2.
Who's where
We found no verified endorsements or opposition; the City Council voted 7-0 to call the election 2.
The money
All-mail special election; about 16.7% turnout.
Fiscal impact
City staff says Avondale can issue roughly $123 million in GO bonds over 11 years while keeping its current combined rate of $1.4592 per $100 of assessed value; if the bond fails, capital projects would be postponed or other revenue found 1.
Paradise Valley
426Raise Paradise Valley's spending cap by $20 millionLets Paradise Valley spend about $20 million more a year of money it already collects, lifting its 2027-28 limit from $51.7 million to $71.7 million. No tax change.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Arizona caps what every city and town can spend using a formula built on what they spent in 1979-80, even when the money is sitting in the bank 1. It's an austerity rule dressed up as prudence, and we vote to loosen it pretty much everywhere.
Paradise Valley is about as far from our politics as it gets in the Valley, but the town says it has the revenue, the measure raises no taxes, and the alternative it names is borrowing for sewer and road work 1. Then read 427, which may make this one less necessary.
What it does
Prop 426 permanently raises the town's 1979-80 base spending limit by $3,940,190 in 1980 dollars, which works out to about $20 million today 1. For 2027-28 that lifts the limit from $51,702,050 to $71,702,050 1. The town says it would use the room for public safety, streets and other budget needs, and that it still has to adopt a balanced budget every year 1. Town voters last raised the base in 2016, and before that in 2000 and 2006 1.
- Yes
- A Yes vote permanently raises the town's base spending limit by $3,940,190 (about $20 million a year in today's dollars).
- No
- A No vote keeps the current state-imposed spending limit.
Required to go to voters. The Arizona Constitution requires voter approval to change a town's base expenditure limit. The Town Council voted 5-2 to refer it 1 2. Source
Arguments
For
- The 1980 formula tracks population and general inflation, not the resorts, construction, visitors and pass-through traffic that drive the town's costs 1.
- The town says revenue already exceeds projected spending, so this raises no taxes 1.
- Without it the town may have to delay infrastructure or issue bonds, which adds interest costs 1.
Against
Who's where
The money
Fiscal impact
The town estimates the 2027-28 limit would rise from $51,702,050 to $71,702,050, paid for with existing state and local revenue 1.
427Let Paradise Valley save surplus cash for capital projectsLets the town bank future surpluses in a fund for sewers, drainage, streets and public buildings, and spend it outside the state spending cap. No tax change.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Saving up surplus revenue to fix sewers and stormwater drains, then not counting that spending against a 46-year-old cap, is just sensible 1. Councilmember Thomasson notes the town ran $88 million in surpluses over five years, much of it hotel money 1.
She pitches this as the alternative to 426. We'd rather the town have both tools.
What it does
Prop 427 lets the council move future surplus revenue (only money collected after the measure passes, not existing savings) into a dedicated capital fund 1. Spending from that fund on land, buildings and infrastructure would not count against the state spending limit 1. The town's capital plan covers projects over $100,000 such as sewer repairs, drainage, power line undergrounding, street work, and police and fire facilities 1. Councilmember Anna Thomasson says it revives a model the town first used in 1993 1.
- Yes
- A Yes vote lets the town exclude capital projects and land purchases paid from the new fund from its spending limit.
- No
- A No vote keeps capital spending counted against the state-imposed limit.
Required to go to voters. The Arizona Constitution allows this exemption only with voter approval. The council referred it on Feb. 12, 2026 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It pays for infrastructure with cash the town already has instead of borrowing 1.
- Moving the current $17 million capital budget outside the cap would free that much room for regular operations 1.
Against
- No arguments against were filed. A skeptic could note it gives the council more room to spend without a fixed ceiling on the capital side.
Who's where
Cave Creek
440Quarter-cent sales tax to buy 4,005 acres of desertA citizen initiative raising Cave Creek's town sales tax from 3% to 3.25% to pay for buying state trust land zoned for open space. It ends after 25 years or once the land is paid off.Our voteYesNoAgainst the default
Our take
We usually start initiatives at No and we don't love sales taxes. This one earns the exception. The money can only buy desert that would otherwise go to auction, it switches itself off when the land is paid for, and supporters say visitors pay a good share of it 1.
Keeping 6.25 square miles of Sonoran Desert out of the hands of developers at the edge of the Tonto, in a region that keeps paving over its groundwater, is worth a penny on every $4. The only filed opposition agrees the town should buy the land and just wants the council to keep its options open 1.
What it does
Starting Jan. 1, 2027, Cave Creek would add a 0.25% town sales tax, taking the town rate from 3.00% to 3.25% 1. The revenue can be used only to buy state trust land zoned Open Space Recreation or Open Space Conservation inside town limits, or to pay off bonds for that purchase, and not for trails or maintenance 1. The tax ends after 25 years or when the purchase is paid off, whichever comes first 1. The council voted unanimously on March 31, 2026 to pursue buying the 4,005 acres, with an excise tax revenue bond, grants and donations as funding options 2.
- Yes
- A Yes vote adds a 0.25% town sales tax, dedicated to buying open-space state trust land, starting in 2027.
- No
- A No vote rejects the tax and leaves the council to pay for the land purchase another way.
Citizen initiative. Put on the ballot by petition from the Acquire State Land PAC 1. Source
Taxes and bonds. 0.25% added to the town sales tax (1 cent per $4), estimated by supporters at about $1.1 million a year 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It locks in a dedicated way to pay for the land, so a future council cannot change course and sell it to developers 1.
- Supporters say it pays off the land debt in about half the time, with about half the interest, of other financing 1.
- The land would roughly double the Spur Cross Conservation Area and protect wildlife corridors, dark skies and groundwater recharge 1.
Against
- It writes one financing method into the town code, which could limit the council if grants or other funding turn out to be cheaper 1.
- Sales taxes fall hardest on lower-income residents.
Who's where
More than 15 residents filed arguments for it, including the founder of Cave Creek Dark Sky. One resident filed against.
Tolleson
416Permanently reset Tolleson's spending capUnder the 1980 formula Tolleson could spend only about $8.1 million in 2027-28. This permanently resets the base so the limit would be about $336.9 million. No tax change.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Look at that gap. The state formula still thinks Tolleson is the town it was in 1980: an $8.1 million cap on a city that expects over $330 million in revenue 1. Today it gets around that with home rule, which voters have to renew every four years 2.
A permanent fix means the city stops having to win a referendum just to spend its own sales tax money on police, fire and water.
What it does
Prop 416 permanently raises Tolleson's 1979-80 base spending limit by $39,033,506, to $40 million, starting in fiscal 2028; it then grows with population and inflation 1. The city estimates its 2027-28 limit would rise from $8,140,101 to $336,891,934 1. The money would come from existing federal, state and local revenue, mostly local sources 1. Tolleson currently uses home rule, last approved in 2024; if 416 fails, the city keeps that for two more years and would need another vote in 2028 2.
- Yes
- A Yes vote permanently resets Tolleson's base spending limit to $40 million, adjusted each year.
- No
- A No vote keeps the 1980-based limit, leaving the city to seek another home rule vote.
Required to go to voters. Changing the base limit requires voter approval. The council referred it with Resolution 2635 on April 15, 2026 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It does not raise or create any property or sales tax 1.
- Without some override, the city could not spend revenue it already collects, with what the one filed argument calls a devastating effect on services and employees 1.
Against
Who's where
The money
Fiscal impact
The city projects about $6.2M in federal, $12.8M in state and $317.9M in local revenue would fund the added authority in FY2028 1.
Gila Bend
414Renew Gila Bend's home rule budgetLets Gila Bend keep setting its own spending limit for four more years. Without it, the state formula would cap spending at about $36 million in 2027-28 against $44.8 million in expected revenue.Our voteYesNo
Our take
Home rule renewals are the easiest Yes on the ballot. Gila Bend expects about $8.7 million more revenue in 2027-28 than the 1980 state formula would let it spend 1. Voting No doesn't save anyone a dime in taxes; it just strands money the town has already collected.
What it does
Gila Bend voters approved home rule in 2022 1. Prop 414 keeps it for four more fiscal years starting in 2027-28: each year the council sets the spending limit equal to its adopted budget, after a public hearing 1. The town estimates it could spend about $44.8 million in 2027-28 under home rule versus about $36.1 million under the state limit, with the same revenue either way 1.
- Yes
- A Yes vote continues home rule, letting the council set the town's spending limit each year for four years.
- No
- A No vote puts the town under the state-imposed spending limit.
Required to go to voters. Home rule must go back to voters every four years. The council referred it 5-0 on June 23, 2026 1. Source
Arguments
For
- It lets the town budget the revenue it actually receives for local needs 1.
- Without it the state formula would sharply restrict spending regardless of revenue 1.
Against
- No arguments against were filed 1.
Who's where
Fiscal impact
Estimated spending authority under home rule: $44.8M (2027-28) to $50.4M (2030-31). Under the state limit: $36.1M to $40.5M 1.
School districts
Should we vote Yes on school overrides and bonds?
Almost always, and this year is no exception. Arizona spends less per student than nearly every other state, and the Legislature keeps it that way. Overrides and bonds are the only way a district can raise money locally, and voters have to approve every one of them.
How overrides and bonds workHide details
- An M&O (maintenance and operations) override lets a district budget up to 15% more than the state funding formula allows, paid for with a local property tax. Overrides expire after a set period (seven years for the ones on this ballot), and voters decide whether to renew them.1
- If an M&O renewal fails, the money doesn't vanish overnight: the existing override phases out by one-third, then another third, over the following two years. Washington Elementary's pamphlet spells out that schedule for 2028-29 and 2029-30.2
- Override money mostly pays for people and programs. Union Elementary, for example, says its 15% override funds free full-day kindergarten, low class sizes and competitive salaries.3
- A District Additional Assistance (DAA) override is for capital spending rather than salaries. It can raise up to 10% of the district's revenue control limit or a dollar amount printed on the ballot, whichever is less.4
- A bond works like a mortgage. The district borrows money for building or renovating schools, buses or technology, then repays it through property taxes over as long as 20 years.5
- Bonds cost more than the headline number because of interest. Mesa's $449 million bond is estimated at about $599 million in total; Scottsdale's $375.5 million bond at about $610 million.6
- What it costs you: each pamphlet prices the tax on a typical home. Washington Elementary's override renewal is about $199 a year on the district's average home; Phoenix Elementary's $97.8 million bond is about $161 a year on a home the Assessor values at $250,000. To check your own, take your Assessed LPV from the County Assessor, divide by 100 and multiply by the tax rate.7
- Every M&O question on this ballot is listed by the County School Superintendent as continuing an existing override, so in most districts Yes keeps the tax about where it is and No cuts the school budget. Peoria and Tolleson Union lost override votes in 2025, so theirs would restore money that is phasing out.8
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Agua Fria UHSD 2026 ballot page
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Washington ESD 2026 informational pamphlet
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Union ESD 2026 informational pamphlet
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Alhambra ESD 2026 ballot page
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Arlington ESD 2026 ballot page
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: 2026 district ballot questions
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: Phoenix ESD 2026 informational pamphlet
- Maricopa County School Superintendent: 2026 district ballot questions
| District | On the ballot | Our vote |
|---|---|---|
| Agua Fria Union High School District | 438 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.4173 per $100 assessed value Source | Yes |
| Alhambra Elementary School District | Question DAA override (new), 7 yearsUp to $6.62M a year (or 10% of the revenue control limit, if less); est. rate $1.6043 per $100 Source | Yes |
| Arlington Elementary School District | Yes | |
| Balsz Elementary School District | Yes | |
| Cartwright Elementary School District | Question M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $3.5496 per $100About $295 a year on the district's average home (LPV $83,120) Source | Yes |
| Cave Creek Unified School District | Yes | |
| Creighton Elementary School District | Question 2 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.7187 per $100About $204 a year on the district's average home (LPV $284,480) Source | Yes |
| Dysart Unified School District | Yes | |
| Fountain Hills Unified School District | Question M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.1675 per $100About $78 a year on the district's average home (LPV $467,130) Source | Yes |
| Gilbert Unified School District | Yes | |
| Glendale Union High School District | Question M&O override continuation, 10%, 7 years10% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.5318 per $100About $83 a year on the district's average home (LPV $156,780) Source | Yes |
| Isaac Elementary School District | Yes | |
| Litchfield Elementary School District | 437 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.6415 per $100 Source | Yes |
| Littleton Elementary School District | Yes | |
| Mesa Unified School District | Yes | |
| Osborn Elementary School District | Question 1 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.4664 per $100About $84 a year on the district's average home (LPV $181,020) Source Question 2 DAA override continuation, 10%, 7 yearsUp to 10% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.3518 per $100 Source | Yes |
| Paradise Valley Unified School District | Question 1 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 yearsAbout $29.4M in 2027-28; est. rate $0.5827 per $100About $199 a year on the district's average home (LPV $341,530) Source | Yes |
| Peoria Unified School District | 428 M&O override, 13%, 7 years13% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $1.1026 per $100About $85 a year more than now on the district's average home (LPV $236,970) Source | Yes |
| Phoenix Elementary School District | Yes | |
| Riverside Elementary School District | Question 2 DAA override continuation, 7 yearsUp to $850,000 a year; est. rate $0.1566 per $100 Source | Yes |
| Saddle Mountain Unified School District | 435 M&O override, 15%, 7 years (continues and increases)15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.4122 per $100About $68 a year on the district's average home (LPV $166,160) Source | Yes |
| Scottsdale Unified School District | Yes | |
| Tolleson Union High School District | Question 2 M&O override, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.68 per $100About $112 a year on the district's average home (LPV $154,934) Source | Yes |
| Union Elementary School District | Question 1 M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $1.2753 per $100About $196 a year on the district's average home (LPV $153,470) Source | Yes |
| Washington Elementary School District | Question M&O override continuation, 15%, 7 years15% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $1.1858 per $100About $199 a year on the district's average home (LPV $167,880) Source | Yes |
| Wickenburg Unified School District | Question M&O override continuation, 10%, 7 years10% of the revenue control limit; est. rate $0.2203 per $100About $59 a year on the district's average home (LPV $266,455) Source | Yes |
Candidates
Which of these races are on your ballot?
The statewide races and the county clerk are on every ballot in Maricopa County. Everything marked District race depends on your address: we wrote up the districts on our own ballot in central Phoenix (Congressional District 1, Legislative District 5, Phoenix Council District 6 and a few boards), so yours may differ. Look up your districts at my.arizona.vote.
Where a Republican could win, we vote for the Democrat even when we're not excited about it, and we say so. Where there's a candidate to the left of the Democrat, we take them seriously and explain our choice.
Our candidate picks at a glanceHide the cheat sheet
- CD1U.S. Representative in Congress, District 1 district raceAmish Shah
- GovGovernor and Lieutenant GovernorKatie Hobbs
- SoSSecretary of StateAdrian Fontes
- AGAttorney GeneralKris Mayes
- TreasState TreasurerNick Mansour
- SPISuperintendent of Public InstructionTeresa Leyba Ruiz
- MineState Mine InspectorBrian Matlock
- ACCCorporation CommissionJonathon Hill, Clara Pratte
- LD5SState Senator, Legislative District 5 district raceChristine Marsh
- LD5HState Representative, Legislative District 5 district raceSarah Liguori, Aaron Márquez
- ClerkClerk of the Superior Court (Maricopa County)Sebastian Seb Maximiliano Matta
- PHX6Phoenix City Council, District 6 district raceKevin Robinson
- CC-ALMaricopa County Community College District Governing Board, At-LargeJudy Schwiebert
- CC3Maricopa County Community College District Governing Board, District 3 district raceWilliam "Bill" Sandweg
- VW3Maricopa County Special Health Care District (Valleywise Health) Board, District 3 district raceAngel B. Algarin
- PXU3Phoenix Union High School District Governing Board, Ward 3 district raceDebbie Cross
Federal
CD1U.S. Representative in Congress, District 1An open seat Trump carried 51.1% to 48.0% in 2024, with David Schweikert gone to a failed run for governor 1 12. Cook moved it to Lean Democratic in September; a few seats like this one decide who runs the House 11.Only on ballots in Congressional District 1: Scottsdale, Paradise Valley, Fountain Hills, Cave Creek, Carefree, Rio Verde, the Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation, and parts of central and north PhoenixOur voteAmish Shah DEMThomas "Jay" Feely IV REPMonica Alponte LBT
Our take
Vote Shah. Of everything on a CD1 ballot this is the vote that matters most, and the choice isn't hard. Feely is Trump's pick, Speaker Johnson's pick and RFK Jr.'s pick 4 11. He told KJZZ his first priority would be writing Trump's border executive orders into law, and he says there are "questions" about whether elections have been stolen 7. He doesn't even live here: he lives in Gilbert, launched in CD5, and slid over to CD1 in December when Trump wanted CD5 cleared for Sheriff Mark Lamb 4.
Shah is not our dream candidate. He's a moderate ER doctor who sometimes voted with Republicans at the Legislature 6 7. Democrats for Education Reform (the charter-school people) endorsed him 11, so did two police unions 13, and he has walked his 2019 Medicare for All position back to a Medicare buy-in 8. He voted for data center tax breaks in 2021 and now says no data centers in the district, and Feely was right to needle him for it 5. But he wants universal coverage and repeal of most of Trump's H.R. 1 7, he voted against the 2022 trans sports ban 8, and he would caucus with the people who want oversight hearings. In a district this close, that's enough.
Monica Alponte, the Libertarian, had raised under $9,000 by July 11 and lists exactly one endorsement, from the Anti-Zionist America PAC 15. She is not a left option. Fill in the Shah oval.
What the job is
One of 435 votes in the U.S. House: federal taxes and spending, Medicaid and Medicare, immigration law, and the power to subpoena and investigate the executive branch. Republicans held the House 219-212 going into this election, so a handful of districts like CD1 decide which party sets the agenda in the next Congress 1.
The candidates
Amish Shah
Emergency physician (Northwestern M.D., Berkeley M.P.H., Mayo Clinic Arizona) who served in the Arizona House from 2019 to 2024 and lost to Schweikert 51.9% to 48.1% in 2024 1 8.
- His campaign says he got more bills signed into law than any Arizona Democrat in a decade 1. They included standardized prior-authorization forms for insurers, repealing special consent rules for HIV testing, and letting cities ban fireworks late at night 8.
- Voted against SB 1165, the 2022 ban on trans girls in girls' school sports, and against the 2022 ban on gender-affirming surgery for minors 8.
- Backed single-payer Medicare for All in 2019; in 2026 he supports a public option that lets people buy into Medicare 8. Says he would repeal much of H.R. 1, the "One Big Beautiful Bill" 7.
- Voted for 2021 data center tax breaks; now opposes data centers in CD1, citing water, and says the AI boom hadn't started when he cast that vote 5.
- Beat DCCC-backed Marlene Galán-Woods 39.4% to 34.4% in the July primary 11, after personally knocking on more than 27,000 doors in the district, by his count 2.
Endorsements. DCCC Red to Blue (it backed Galán-Woods in the primary, then switched to him 3), League of Conservation Voters, Human Rights Campaign PAC, J Street, 314 Action, Democrats for Education Reform 11; Arizona AFL-CIO 16; the Combined Law Enforcement Associations of Arizona and the Maricopa County deputies' association 13; and the No Labels Party, which his campaign advertises as the "Arizona Independent Party" even though a court blocked that rename 14.
Thomas "Jay" Feely IV
Former NFL kicker (14 seasons, four with the Cardinals) turned CBS analyst. Lives in Gilbert, outside the district, and has never held office 4.
- Started out running in CD5, then switched to CD1 in December 2025 at Trump's request so CD5 could be cleared for Mark Lamb 4.
- Told KJZZ his top priority is codifying Trump's border executive actions, and says there are "questions" about whether elections are safe or have been stolen 7.
- At the 2026 Republican National Convention he called Shah a "Democrat socialist" who wants to abolish prisons, borders and the Senate; Shah's campaign called that "demonstrably false" 6.
- Says he breaks with Trump on Colorado River cuts and has lobbied Trump, Johnson and Interior Secretary Burgum on it. Backs data centers and says local communities should decide; a pro-AI super PAC, Leading the Future, planned to spend $600,000 on his race 5.
- A third-party voter guide lists him as supporting an abortion ban and saying Planned Parenthood shouldn't get "a penny" of federal money 17.
Endorsements. Donald Trump, Speaker Mike Johnson, Majority Leader Steve Scalise, HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the NRA, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Maricopa County Attorney Rachel Mitchell 11; Turning Point USA's political arm 7.
Monica Alponte
Retired business writer and the Libertarian nominee 11.
- Won the Libertarian primary unopposed with 289 votes and had raised $8,941 through July 1 11.
- Didn't answer iVoterGuide's questionnaire; signed the U.S. Term Limits pledge 15.
Endorsements. Anti-Zionist America PAC 15.
The money
Feely's total includes a $330,000 loan from himself and $589,000 transferred from other committees; he had $794,475 on hand July 1 10. Shah had $401,745 on hand 9, and $431,000 of his total was his own money 11. Third-quarter reports are due Oct. 15.
Statewide
GovGovernor and Lieutenant GovernorGov. Katie Hobbs, who has vetoed 541 bills from a Republican Legislature since 2023, faces Freedom Caucus congressman Andy Biggs, who voted against certifying Arizona's 2020 results 5 16. It's also the first time Arizona elects a lieutenant governor, on a joint ticket 2.Our voteKatie Hobbs DEMAndy Biggs REPRisa Lombardo GRNTeri Ann Hourihan NOL
Our take
Hobbs is a cautious centrist and has handed the left plenty of reasons to grumble. She signed up to $500 million in sales-tax money for Chase Field over the objections of Democratic Sen. Mitzi Epstein, who called it "wrong and hurtful" 9. Her June 2026 budget put zero guardrails on the $1 billion-plus voucher program and she called its Trump-conforming tax cuts a "historic" win 10 11. She launched a border task force with Customs and Border Protection in 2025, one of the first Democratic governors to team up with the Trump administration on immigration 12. Then she picked a longtime Republican mayor of Mesa as her running mate, a choice the AP noted could inflame tensions on the left, and both of them are skipping every debate 1 13 22 23.
We looked hard at the Green line on this ballot, because a real left alternative would deserve it. This isn't one. The Arizona Green Party calls Risa Lombardo and Lisa Castillo a sham ticket, says it had never heard of them, and asked the state to pull Lombardo off the ballot 25 27. Lombardo voted in the 2022 and 2024 Republican primaries and sold MAGA merch before registering Green in 2025 27. Her campaign collected $2.8 million in Clean Elections money that the state now says may rest on faked $5 donations, and her lawyer says she has suspended her campaign 26 28. A vote for Lombardo rewards whoever cooked this up, and the Greens themselves are asking you not to cast one.
So, Hobbs. She led Biggs 49.5% to 34.3% in an August HighGround poll, which is nice and also exactly what polls said about a lot of people who lost 31. The case for her is the veto pen: 541 vetoes and counting, including a 2026 ban on gender-affirming care for minors and a Republican budget she called "unbalanced and reckless" 5 6. Andy Biggs chaired the House Freedom Caucus, was named by former House Speaker Rusty Bowers as the man who called him on the morning of Jan. 6 seeking support for decertification, still won't say who won in 2020, and has co-sponsored national abortion-ban bills 16 17 19. He also wants to phase out the income tax, about $6 billion of the state's $18 billion in revenue 15. A Biggs governor with this Legislature means everything Hobbs vetoed becomes law. Vote Hobbs and save the complaining for January.
What the job is
The governor signs or vetoes everything the Legislature passes, negotiates the roughly $18 billion budget, and appoints agency heads and judges 5 10. With Republicans running both chambers, the veto is the whole ballgame: the last two years of GOP bills on abortion, trans kids, elections and immigration died on Hobbs's desk 5. The new lieutenant governor runs on the same ticket and is mainly a succession job, replacing the secretary of state as next in line if the governor leaves office 2.
The candidates
Katie Hobbs with John Giles
Governor since 2023 and secretary of state before that; a social worker by training (NAU and ASU) who worked with homeless youth in Phoenix and at the Sojourner Center domestic violence shelter 4. Running mate John Giles was Mesa's mayor from 2014 to 2025, a registered Republican from 1986 until he re-registered as an independent in May 2026 (listed PND on the ballot); he endorsed Biden, Hobbs and Harris 1.
- Has vetoed 541 bills since 2023, including 151 in 2026, among them a ban on gender-affirming hormone treatment for minors and a "Sharia law" bill 5.
- Issued a 2023 executive order moving abortion prosecutions from county attorneys to the attorney general, and signed the 2024 repeal of the 1864 near-total abortion ban 7 8.
- Signed up to $500 million in tax money for Chase Field renovations in 2025 and an $18.3 billion 2026 budget with no new limits on school vouchers 9 10.
- Created Operation Desert Guardian in February 2025, directing state agencies to work with Customs and Border Protection on border crime 12.
- Declined all debates with Biggs; AG Kris Mayes found no evidence to support pay-to-play claims involving group-home operator Sunshine Residential, though the auditor general and Maricopa County attorney are still looking 13 14.
Endorsements. Arizona AFL-CIO, Arizona Education Association, Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona, EMILYs List, Human Rights Campaign, CWA District 7, Cindy McCain 3 30 33.
Andy Biggs with Sine Kerr
U.S. representative from the East Valley since 2017, former Arizona Senate president (2013-2017) and chair of the House Freedom Caucus from 2019 18 19. Running mate Sine Kerr is a Buckeye dairy farmer, a state senator from 2018 to 2025, and until July the Trump-appointed head of Arizona's USDA Farm Service Agency 2.
- Voted against certifying Arizona's 2020 electoral votes, called House Speaker Rusty Bowers on Jan. 6 seeking support for decertification, and won't say who won in 2020; denies Cassidy Hutchinson's testimony that he sought a pardon 16.
- Co-sponsored the Life at Conception Act and voted for a federal 20-week abortion ban; his campaign wouldn't say whether he'd back repealing Prop 139, the 2024 abortion-rights amendment 17 18.
- Fought Gov. Jan Brewer's 2013 Medicaid expansion as Senate president and backs last year's federal eligibility cuts 15.
- Wants to phase out the state income tax, roughly a third of Arizona's general revenue, and end data-center tax breaks 15.
- Kerr is best known for a 2021 bill that would have banned abortion with no rape or incest exceptions 20.
Endorsements. Donald Trump, Turning Point Action, the Arizona Freedom Caucus, former Gov. Doug Ducey 3.
Risa Lombardo with Lisa Castillo
Former Arizona Republican precinct committee member who registered Green in 2025 and beat the party's endorsed write-in candidate, Carlos Melendez, in the July primary 3 25 27. Castillo describes herself as a small-business owner who moved to Arizona in 2010 21.
- Disowned by the Arizona Green Party, which calls her a Republican-backed spoiler and asked Secretary of State Fontes to replace her on the ballot; his office said only a court order or her withdrawal could do that 25 32.
- Received about $2.8 million in Clean Elections public funding; the commission and the attorney general's office are investigating whether her campaign faked the $5 qualifying donations 26 28.
- Her attorney told an appeals court she has suspended her campaign; she skipped the Oct. 6 debate at the last minute, and Castillo skipped the lieutenant governor debate 15 21 26.
Teri Ann Hourihan with Angela Harrolle Mohan
Glendale-raised licensed professional counselor who founded a mental-health practice in 2018, running as the No Labels nominee 24. Running mate Angela Harrolle Mohan is a real estate broker 3.
- Debated Biggs on Oct. 6, calling him "one of the most dangerous people when it comes to Medicaid" and hammering his Colorado City and Epstein-files record 15.
- Proposes a pause on new data centers, universal child care modeled on New Mexico's, and stricter water conservation 15 24.
- At the Oct. 5 lieutenant governor debate, Harrolle Mohan proposed a 60-day audit of state agencies and a temporary moratorium on new large data-center applications 21.
The money
Hobbs burned through $7.4 million on early TV in the second quarter alone and had about $2.4 million left; Biggs had about $1.1 million 29. Lombardo's $2.8 million in public money is under investigation 26.
SoSSecretary of StateIncumbent Adrian Fontes faces Rep. Alexander Kolodin, who was local counsel on the 2020 "kraken" lawsuit to throw out Arizona's mail ballots and was disciplined by the State Bar for it 3 5. The winner certifies the 2028 presidential results 1.Our voteAdrian Fontes DEMAlexander Kolodin REPDuwayne Collier GRN
Our take
Fontes can be a lot. He's loud, he picks fights, and some of his rules have been struck down in court, starting with his advice as Maricopa County recorder that mail voters cross out mistakes instead of getting a new ballot 3 4. But he has spent this term saying no to the right people: he refused the Trump Justice Department's demand for Arizona's full voter file, with Social Security digits, and a Trump-appointed judge threw out the DOJ's lawsuit 7.
Kolodin is the real thing. He was local counsel on Sidney Powell's suit to disqualify Arizona's mail ballots in 2020, represented the fake electors and the Cyber Ninjas, filed "Sharpiegate," sued to end no-excuse mail voting, and sponsored Prop 144, which writes an ID requirement for every ballot (mail included) into the constitution 3 5. At the Aug. 31 debate he dodged direct questions about election security and mail voting 3. He would write the rulebook for 2028, and Fontes's 43% to 35% lead in an August HighGround poll is not big enough to relax about 16.
Duwayne Collier is on the ballot as a Green, but the Arizona Green Party disowned him; he won its primary with about 400 votes, gathered signatures for a Republican Corporation Commission candidate, and has reportedly suspended his campaign 9 10 11. Vote Fontes.
What the job is
The secretary of state runs Arizona's elections at the state level: registering voters and certifying voting machines, candidates, ballot measures and the final results 1. Every two years the office writes the Elections Procedures Manual, the rulebook county officials must follow, which carries the force of law once the governor and attorney general sign off 2. The office also keeps business filings and state records 6.
The candidates
Adrian Fontes
Nogales-born Marine veteran (1992-96) and former prosecutor who served as Maricopa County recorder before beating election denier Mark Finchem 52.4% to 47.6% in 2022 6. Lost his 2020 recorder race to Republican Stephen Richer 3.
- Refused the Justice Department's 2025 demand for unredacted voter-roll data; U.S. District Judge Susan Brnovich dismissed the DOJ suit with prejudice in April 2026, and the DOJ has appealed 7.
- His 2025 Elections Procedures Manual dropped examples of illegal voter intimidation and a provision letting him certify without a county's numbers, and doubled the public comment period after a court ruling 2. The Arizona Supreme Court backed him over Republicans on how the manual gets made 15.
- In 2024 his office disclosed that an MVD coding error had wrongly marked about 218,000 voters as having proven citizenship; the courts let them vote full ballots 8.
- Calls Prop 144 a "Trojan horse" designed to end voting by mail 3.
Endorsements. Arizona AFL-CIO, Reproductive Freedom for All, VoteVets, Everytown for Gun Safety 13 14.
Alexander Kolodin
Scottsdale state representative (LD3) since 2023, Freedom Caucus member, and election lawyer with degrees from Georgetown and Penn; won the GOP primary over former state party chair Gina Swoboda with about 60% 5 12 13.
- Served as local counsel on Sidney Powell's "kraken" suit to overturn Arizona's 2020 result; the State Bar disciplined him in December 2023 with ethics classes and probation 4 5.
- Represented Arizona's fake electors, the Cyber Ninjas audit firm, and then-GOP chair Kelli Ward; sued in 2023 to end no-excuse mail voting 5.
- Primary sponsor of Prop 144, requiring government ID for every ballot cast; says multiple elections were rigged but calls the "election denier" label ridiculous 3 4.
- Did help pass bipartisan laws: a 2024 bill aligning state law with the federal Electoral Count Reform Act, signed by Hobbs, and a bill that sped up results 3 5.
- Backed a 2025 bill to repeal Arizona's ban on machine guns, silencers and pipe bombs, and a proposal to bring back the firing squad 5.
Duwayne Collier
Former worker for signature-gathering firm Uncle Sam Petitions who circulated petitions in the Turning Point-backed 2025 recall of Mesa Councilwoman Julie Spilsbury 9.
- Won the Green primary 421 to 217 over the party's write-in pick, Jon Ralston; the Arizona Green Party has disavowed him as a spoiler 10 13.
- He and his wife gathered signatures for Republican Corporation Commission candidate Ralph Heap 9.
- Received nearly $740,000 in Clean Elections funding now under investigation over allegedly faked qualifying donations; paid his wife at least $20,000 as campaign manager; his lawyer says the campaign is suspended 11 13.
The money
Fontes raised about $519,000 in the second quarter to Kolodin's $73,370 12. Collier's nearly $740,000 is public Clean Elections money under investigation 11.
AGAttorney GeneralKris Mayes won this job by 280 votes in 2022 6. Her opponent, Senate President Warren Petersen, has promised to drop the fake-electors prosecution she still plans to refile 3 4.Our voteKris Mayes DEMWarren Petersen REP
Our take
Mayes is no leftist. She served on the Corporation Commission as a Republican until 2010, and she cheered Hobbs's border task force with federal agents 2 14. She has also had a rough time with the fake-electors case, which a judge sent back to the grand jury and then dismissed without prejudice in August 3 4. Still, she has sued the Trump administration 49 times, vowed not to prosecute anyone under the 1864 abortion ban, fought utility rate hikes, and called for a data-center moratorium 7 8.
Petersen is the guy who has spent three years as Senate president intervening in court to defend the laws Mayes wouldn't, including the 1864 ban and the trans sports ban 1. He helped launch the Cyber Ninjas audit, says 2020 was certified "prematurely," says DACA isn't in the Constitution, and promises to help deport anyone here illegally 6. If he wins, the fake electors walk 3. The race is close: Mayes led 48% to 40% in HighGround's August poll, but an Equis poll in September had it tied at 45 12 16. Vote Mayes.
What the job is
The attorney general is Arizona's chief law enforcement officer: the state's lawyer, filing and defending lawsuits on its behalf and advising state agencies 1. Under Hobbs's 2023 executive order, the AG also takes over any abortion prosecution a county attorney tries to bring 15. The AG signs off on the secretary of state's Elections Procedures Manual and runs criminal cases like the fake-electors prosecution and the current probe into faked Clean Elections donations 3 5 13.
The candidates
Kris Mayes
Prescott native, ASU law graduate and former journalist and law professor who served in the Napolitano administration and on the Arizona Corporation Commission (2003-2010, as a Republican) before winning the AG race by 280 votes in 2022 2 6.
- Indicted 18 Trump allies in 2024 over the 2020 fake-elector scheme; after courts sent the case back to the grand jury, a judge dismissed it without prejudice on Aug. 7, 2026, and her office says it will seek new indictments 3 4.
- Jenna Ellis got charges dropped in exchange for cooperating; elector Loraine Pellegrino pleaded guilty to filing a false instrument 11.
- Vowed not to prosecute anyone under the 1864 abortion ban before it was repealed 8.
- Has filed 49 lawsuits against the Trump administration, on mail-ballot rules, tariffs and vaccines among others 6 7.
- Found no evidence of a pay-to-play scheme in the Sunshine Residential allegations against Hobbs's campaign; her office is now criminally investigating three candidates, including the Green nominees for governor and secretary of state, over allegedly faked Clean Elections donations 10 13.
Endorsements. Arizona AFL-CIO, EMILYs List, Giffords, End Citizens United, LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, Everytown for Gun Safety 9 12.
Warren Petersen
Gilbert real estate broker with a law degree from ASU, in the Legislature since 2013 and Senate president since 2023; beat Rodney Glassman for the GOP nomination with 56% 1 12.
- Has pledged to drop the fake-electors case if elected 3.
- Used the Senate to intervene in lawsuits defending the 1864 abortion ban and the trans athlete ban when Mayes wouldn't, and supports the near-total abortion ban 1 6.
- Helped launch the 2021 Cyber Ninjas review of Maricopa County's 2020 ballots and says the results were certified "prematurely" 6.
- Co-sponsored the Secure the Border Act and promises to help deport anyone in the country illegally; calls Mayes's Trump lawsuits "political lawfare and environmental radicalism" 6 7.
Endorsements. Donald Trump, Arizona's largest law enforcement groups, Rep. Andy Biggs, former Gov. Doug Ducey 6 12.
TreasState TreasurerAn open seat, since Republican Kimberly Yee is term-limited and running for schools superintendent 6 11. Two rich businessmen are fighting over who gets to invest Arizona's school land-trust money, and the polls are within a couple of points 9 10.Our voteNick Mansour DEMElijah Norton REP
Our take
Nobody is getting a socialist treasurer this year. Mansour is a Stanford-educated former CEO of the Arizona College of Nursing whose campaign site has a page for "Republicans and Independents for Nick" 3 8. His pitch is that the land trust has been invested badly and lost out on $3.6 billion over 13 years, money that could have gone to schools 3. Fine. We like money going to schools.
Norton was the Arizona Republican Party's treasurer during Trump's 2024 run, and he says Yee's tighter-fisted plan for school land-trust payouts beats the Prop 123 proposals from Hobbs and lawmakers, because he sees too much waste in education 5. His platform promises to protect state investments from "racist ideology" and to expand school choice 7. In other words, he'd use the state's money and his seat on the Board of Investment to fight the culture war. Vote Mansour.
What the job is
The treasurer is the state's banker and chief investment officer: managing the state's portfolio and banking contracts and keeping a separate set of books as a check on the state's accounting 1. The treasurer chairs the Board of Investment, which invests the roughly $11.2 billion Permanent Land Endowment that pays for public schools, and runs an investment pool for cities, counties and school districts 1 2.
The candidates
Nick Mansour
Salpointe Catholic High School graduate with two Stanford degrees who worked in finance and fire protection before serving as chairman and CEO of the Arizona College of Nursing, which grew to 21 campuses in 14 states 3. Ran unopposed in the Democratic primary 3.
- Says Arizona's $11 billion school endowment has been poorly invested and lost out on $3.6 billion over 13 years 3.
- Bills himself as "an independent watchdog" who wants to eliminate waste and "invest responsibly" 8.
- First-time candidate with no record in elected office 3.
Endorsements. U.S. Reps. Yassamin Ansari and Greg Stanton, Tempe Mayor Corey Woods 6.
Elijah Norton
Scottsdale insurance executive who founded RED Auto Protection and Veritas Global Protection Services, and a former Arizona GOP treasurer 4 5. Lost the 2022 congressional primary to David Schweikert after his campaign spent about $5.4 million; beat State Board of Education president Katherine Haley for this nomination 4 6.
- Backs Treasurer Yee's more conservative Prop 123 land-trust plan over proposals from Hobbs and lawmakers to draw more for schools 5.
- Wants the treasurer to oversee the state auditor general's office 5.
- Promises to protect Arizona's investments from "racist ideology" and expand "educational freedom" 7.
- Says he'd make only "minor tweaks" to an investment strategy covering more than $32 billion in principal 4.
- Settled a defamation suit over 2022 ads from the Schweikert side that falsely implied he was gay; one consultant paid $50,000 and admitted the attacks were false 4.
SPISuperintendent of Public InstructionTom Horne is out: Treasurer Kimberly Yee beat him in the GOP primary, 53% to 47%, running as the candidate who would regulate vouchers less 3 4. The winner runs the department that cuts checks for a roughly $1 billion voucher program serving about 100,000 kids 4.Our voteTeresa Leyba Ruiz DEMKimberly Yee REP
Our take
Horne spent four years fighting Gov. Hobbs: he sued her and AG Kris Mayes in 2023 to kill dual-language classes for English learners 16, and when he started auto-approving voucher purchases under $2,000, Hobbs wrote him that up to $170 million could go out the door unchecked, citing grand pianos and ski passes 5. State auditors later found his after-the-fact checks covered 6.5% to 23.9% of small purchases in one stretch, not the 30% promised 6. And yet Horne, a voucher fan, at least tried to police purchases; the Freedom Caucus said he was too aggressive and backed Yee to replace him 4. Yee calls the ESA program a national model and says making private schools report results like public schools could be illegal 2. If you want somebody in that chair who thinks the program needs a leash, there is one candidate.
Ruiz is no firebrand: a former seventh-grade and high school math teacher who became president of Glendale Community College, and her plan is an ESA spending dashboard, an end to the under-$2,000 rubber stamp, a program audit, and universal pre-K 8 9. Her own kids went to a faith-based private school that the family paid for themselves, which she has said plainly 10. Fine by us. Her fight is with handing out $1 billion a year with less scrutiny than a Costco return. Vote Ruiz.
What the job is
The superintendent runs the Arizona Department of Education, sits on the State Board of Education, and administers the Empowerment Scholarship Account (ESA) voucher program, including deciding which purchases get approved and how closely they get checked 2 6. Since late 2024 the department has auto-approved ESA purchases under $2,000 and audited them afterward; about 2.3 million transactions worth $654 million went through that way by January 2026 6.
The candidates
Teresa Leyba Ruiz
Third-generation Arizonan and first-time candidate who taught math in middle school, high school and at South Mountain Community College, then served as president of Glendale Community College until retiring in January 2023 8 9 1. She won the Democratic primary with about 80% of the vote 3.
- Wants to end automatic approval of ESA purchases under $2,000, build a public ESA spending dashboard, and order a program audit 9.
- Says private schools that take ESA money should face academic accountability and reporting like public schools, and called Arizona's program a "canary in the coal mine" that other conservative states have avoided copying 2.
- Names the teacher shortage as the top problem, citing 4,000 teachers leaving in one year, and wants higher pay; supports universal pre-K 2 9.
- Would let schools choose counselors and social workers over school resource officers if that's what they want 2.
- Yee filed a complaint with the Attorney General's Office alleging Ruiz used 14 school-visit social media posts as campaign content; Ruiz called it "meritless" and said administrators of both parties invited her 11.
Endorsements. Attorney General Kris Mayes, U.S. Rep. Adelita Grijalva, and former Superintendent Kathy Hoffman 11 3.
Kimberly Yee
State treasurer since 2019 (term-limited), former state House member and Senate majority leader, and briefly a 2022 candidate for governor 12 2 3. She beat incumbent Tom Horne in the July primary 3 4.
- Calls the ESA program a national model; wants real-time controls on what families can buy but opposes making private schools report results, citing HIPAA and FERPA 2.
- Top priority is test scores: phonics, less calculator use, and bringing back home economics and shop class 2 7. Wants a school resource officer on every campus 2.
- As treasurer, pushed a land trust draw for schools of about 4.5%, well below the 8.9% Gov. Hobbs wants for Prop 123 2. In 2023 she refused to recognize Hobbs's "executive deputy directors" who hadn't been confirmed by the Senate 13.
- As Senate Education chair in 2014, she kept a House-passed bill funding a marijuana-for-PTSD study of veterans off her committee's agenda, saying the money should go to anti-drug education 14.
- In the House she sponsored the law requiring doctors to offer women an ultrasound image before an abortion 12. In the primary she was hit by an out-of-state ad calling her the "Empress of DEI," which she called racist 15.
Endorsements. Turning Point Action, the Legislature's Freedom Caucus, state Sen. Jake Hoffman, Maggie's List, and the No Labels Party 1 3 4.
MineState Mine InspectorThe first contested mine inspector race in eight years, between an appointed Republican with four decades in mining and a Democratic engineer from Apache Junction 1. They agree on almost everything and mostly argue about whose résumé counts 2.Our voteBrian Matlock DEMWalter "Les" Presmyk REP
Our take
Low stakes, honestly. Presmyk seems competent and both men want the same things: enforce the safety rules, plug the holes in the desert 2. But the office is a statewide Republican farm seat, Arizona hasn't had a Democratic mine inspector since 1976 1, and Presmyk's donors include executives at Resolution Copper and Arizona Sonoran Copper 2. We'd rather the person checking on mining companies not be funded by them.
Matlock's pitch, that the office should talk more with the towns living next to mines and publish its reports, is modest and reasonable 1. Presmyk says Matlock lacks the direct mine experience state law requires 2; if that's true, a court can sort it out. We aren't handing a Republican another term over it. Vote Matlock.
What the job is
The mine inspector enforces state safety and training rules at Arizona's 400-plus active mines and can suspend or close an operation that isn't safe 3. The other big job is abandoned mines: the office finds old shafts with drones and LIDAR and fences or fills them so hikers and ATV riders don't fall in 1. Estimates of how many are out there run from about 90,000 to 100,000 3 2. The job pays $50,000 a year 3.
The candidates
Brian Matlock
Mechanical engineer with decades in heavy industry, including mining in Arizona and abroad; a precinct committeeman with the Apache Junction Democrats and a first-time candidate for this office 3 1.
- Proposes a statewide health and safety management model for mines based on an international standard, plus public help locating abandoned mines 1 2.
- Says the office doesn't communicate enough with mining communities, and that he hasn't seen its annual reports "since '22" 1.
- Filed to run months before Presmyk was appointed, expecting to face Paul Marsh 1.
Walter "Les" Presmyk
Mining engineer, including at Salt River Project, appointed by Gov. Hobbs in September 2025 after Republican Paul Marsh left for another job; state law required her to pick a Republican 1 2.
- Says the office has secured about 11,000 abandoned mines in recent years and wants a full term to finish ongoing projects 2.
- Says the office is running well and he's had no complaints about communication 1.
- Argues Matlock doesn't meet the statutory requirement of eight years' direct operational or management experience at a mine; Matlock calls Presmyk's "44 years as a mining engineer" claim stretched 2.
- Took contributions from a Resolution Copper executive and an Arizona Sonoran Copper senior vice president 2.
ACCCorporation CommissionThe five people who decide your APS bill are all Republicans, and APS wants 14% more 1 8. Two seats are up; even if both Democrats win, Republicans keep a 3-2 majority, but the commission stops voting 5-0 1.Our voteJonathon Hill DEMClara Pratte DEMRalph Heap REPKevin Thompson REPMike Cease GRN
Our take
This commission gave APS an 8% rate hike in 2024, on a 4-1 vote 7. Now APS is asking for 14%, and the Attorney General's own expert says 3% would fully pay investors and keep the credit rating intact 8 14. Meanwhile the all-Republican board voted 5-0 to repeal the renewable energy standard that's been on the books since 2006 6, repealed energy efficiency rules 2; the AG and the Sierra Club's Grand Canyon Chapter both asked it to reconsider the renewable repeal 5. It also voted in late 2024, 3-2, to let utilities seek annual "formula rate" increases with less scrutiny than a full rate case 8. Kevin Thompson, a former Southwest Gas lobbyist, has chaired this board 3. Ralph Heap, the Freedom Caucus pick who knocked off the other incumbent, thinks the grid needs more coal 3 4.
Hill and Pratte won't control anything. They'd be two votes out of five 1. What they would bring is subpoenas, dissents, and a reason for the other three to negotiate, plus a real shot at a majority in 2028 when three seats open 1. That's worth a lot from a board that scrapped a 20-year-old clean energy rule without a single no vote 6.
Mike Cease is the Green on the ballot, and on paper he's terrific: a chemical engineer and licensed PE who worked at the federal solar research lab that became NREL, and who wants data centers to meet conservation criteria and rate hikes frozen until utilities are held accountable 2. But this is a vote-for-two race where Republicans need only finish in the top two. Hill got about 15% statewide in 2024 and still lost 11. A vote for Cease is one less vote for a Democrat who is directly competing with Thompson and Heap for a seat. We'd love to see Cease in the Clean Elections debate he keeps getting left out of 13. On the ballot, give both votes to Hill and Pratte.
What the job is
The Corporation Commission sets rates for investor-owned utilities like APS, Tucson Electric Power and Southwest Gas, oversees small private water companies, sets rooftop solar and battery payment rules, and plans for grid reliability 2. Each commissioner can also subpoena utility records on their own 1.
The candidates
Jonathon Hill
Kingman-born scientist and engineer who has spent 18 years at Arizona State University working on NASA spacecraft missions 2 3. Ran for the commission in 2024 and finished fifth with about 15% 11.
- Running as a team with Pratte to push back on rate increases and on data centers shifting costs onto residential bills 3.
- Calls repeal of the renewable standard a step backward; opposes backing a new gas pipeline from Texas because of fossil fuel price swings 1.
- Says the commission defers too much to utilities and wants to use commissioners' subpoena power to force disclosure of utility finances 1.
Clara Pratte
Navajo Nation member from Flagstaff who led the Navajo Nation's Washington, D.C. office, chaired the DNC's Native Caucus, and co-founded Navajo Power, a solar developer working with tribal communities 2 3. She would be the first tribal member on the commission 2.
- Accepts that natural gas is needed for baseload power but wants utilities to prioritize the cheapest, cleanest sources like solar and wind 1.
- Promises utility transparency, stronger oversight, more renewables, and protection of air and water 2.
- Shares Hill's platform on curbing rate increases and data center costs 3.
Ralph Heap
Retired orthopedic surgeon and first-term Mesa-area House member in the Freedom Caucus; father of Maricopa County Recorder Justin Heap, whose House seat he took 3 2.
- Beat sitting Commissioner Nick Myers in the GOP primary by about 15,000 votes, backed by Turning Point Action and the Arizona Free Enterprise Club 4.
- Says Arizona needs more coal in its energy mix; opposes renewable mandates 3 2.
- The Clean Elections Commission unanimously found reason to believe he broke its rules over hundreds of campaign signs paid for on an undocumented line of credit from a Mesa sign shop, but still released about $370,000 in public funds to him 9. It later rejected his proposed settlement 10.
Kevin Thompson
First elected in 2022 and a former chair of the commission; Air Force veteran, former Mesa City Council member, former Southwest Gas lobbyist, and owner of a government relations firm 3.
- Helped lead removal of the renewable energy requirement, arguing big utilities already exceed it; says natural gas should stay the backbone of the grid 1 3.
- Defends formula rates as a cure for "rate shock" from big hikes every few years 8.
- Says he wants to review data center impacts on bills and push water companies to fix leaks 2.
- Clean Elections unanimously found reason to believe he and Myers improperly reused 2022 campaign signs without paying fair market value 10.
Mike Cease
Tucson consultant and retired community college instructor with chemical engineering degrees and a PE license; formerly worked at the Solar Energy Research Institute, now NREL 2. Secretary of the Arizona Green Party, he has run for Pima County Recorder, Tucson City Council and Tucson mayor 13.
- Would bar data centers that fail conservation criteria and halt rate increases until utilities are held accountable; wants limits on mining and agricultural water use 2.
- Ran for this seat in 2024 2. Says excluding third-party candidates from Clean Elections debates silences Green voters 13 12.
- Also campaigns on scrutiny of Arizona companies' overseas business ties, including the arms industry; no campaign website as of September 12.
Legislature
LD5SState Senator, Legislative District 5Lela Alston, in the Legislature on and off since 1977, is term-limited out 2. Former Sen. Christine Marsh (D) faces No Labels nominee Jason LaForest in a district Alston won with 68.3% in 2024 1.Only on ballots in Legislative District 5, which sits entirely inside central PhoenixOur voteChristine Marsh DEMJason LaForest NOL
Our take
Vote Marsh. She's a mainstream Democrat, not a leftist, and she moved into LD5 after losing her Scottsdale-area seat in 2024 1 2, which is a little convenient. But her signature law was legalizing fentanyl test strips after her own son died from a fake pill 4, harm reduction pushed through a Republican Legislature, and she'll be a dependable vote for public schools and against the voucher crowd.
LaForest is a state finance guy with a couple of ideas we like, especially letting the treasurer block payments that break the constitution's Gift Clause 6. He's running on the No Labels line, a party whose attempt to rename itself "Arizona Independent" got blocked in court 8, and he had raised $800 as of March 1. He isn't going to win this seat. A dependable Democratic vote in the Senate is worth more than a protest note to No Labels.
What the job is
Each of Arizona's 30 legislative districts sends one senator and two representatives to the Capitol 10. The Senate writes the state budget and every state law with the House, and it can send measures straight to the ballot without the governor. LD5 is safe Democratic ground: 41.9% of its voters are registered Democrats and 21.9% Republicans 10.
The candidates
Christine Marsh
Public school English teacher (27 years at Chaparral High) and 2016 Arizona Teacher of the Year who served in the state Senate from 2021 to 2025 3.
- Sponsored SB 1486 (2021), which took fentanyl test strips off the state's list of illegal drug paraphernalia. It passed the Senate unanimously and the House 48-11 (every no vote a Republican), and Ducey signed it a year after her son Landon died from a fentanyl-laced pill 4.
- Flipped a Republican Senate seat in 2020 by 497 votes over incumbent Kate Brophy McGee 3; lost the redrawn LD4 to Republican Carine Werner 51.9% to 48.1% in 2024 1.
- Moved to LD5 for this race; term-limited Sen. Lela Alston endorsed her as successor 2.
- Unopposed in the July primary (21,771 votes); had raised $53,325 as of March 2026 1. Her stated top priority is public school funding 5.
Endorsements. Arizona AFL-CIO, which lists her as a union member 9; Sen. Lela Alston 2.
Jason LaForest
Deputy chief financial officer and strategist at the Arizona Department of Health Services since 2023, before that CFO of the Arizona Department of Gaming 6.
- The No Labels Party nominee; won its primary with 303 votes 1. His site brands him "Independent Leadership" 7, and the party has tried to rename itself the Arizona Independent Party, a change a court blocked 8.
- Says that at the Arizona State Hospital he modernized budgeting and rebuilt decades of financial statements; says he runs on Clean Elections funding and takes no PAC or corporate money 7.
- Wants to let the state treasurer withhold payments that violate the Gift Clause, repeal confidentiality laws that let agencies hide failures, and shift the Auditor General toward compliance audits 6.
- Had raised $800 as of March 2026 1.
The money
LD5HState Representative, Legislative District 5Two seats, two candidates, both incumbent Democrats 1 9. Nobody else is on the ballot, so Sarah Liguori and Aaron Márquez are going back to the Capitol either way.Only on ballots in Legislative District 5, which sits entirely inside central PhoenixOur voteSarah Liguori DEMAaron Márquez DEM
Our take
There's no contest here, so this is a two-minute read. Vote for both. Liguori has the more concrete record: a ban on PFAS firefighting foam that passed both chambers without a single no vote 4, plus a vote to repeal the 1864 abortion ban 2. Márquez is a two-tour Afghanistan veteran and Phoenix Union board member who first ran with Ruben Gallego's blessing and talks a lot about working across the aisle 2 3. Neither is a socialist. Both are fine.
One small tell: the Arizona AFL-CIO's endorsement list names Liguori for LD5 House and not Márquez 7. In an uncontested race that changes nothing, but it's worth knowing which way labor leans.
What the job is
LD5 sends two of the state House's 60 members 5. The House writes the budget and state law with the Senate, and members also carry the small, specific bills (a chemical ban here, a licensing fix there) that change daily life more than the headline fights do.
The candidates
Sarah Liguori
Financial adviser turned impact lender (she runs lending to nonprofits) 2. Appointed to the House in 2021, lost the 2022 LD5 primary, then was appointed again in February 2024 by the Maricopa County Board of Supervisors 6 8.
- Sponsored HB 2641 (2026), banning Class B firefighting foam with added PFAS "forever chemicals" for nearly every use starting in 2029, with public airports given until 2031. It passed the House 56-0 and the Senate 27-0 and became Chapter 103 4.
- Called affordable housing her top priority when she was reappointed, pointing to a district where she put the share of housing-insecure renters near 60% 6.
- Voted to repeal Arizona's Civil War-era abortion ban and against HCR 2060, the Republican border referral on the 2024 ballot 2.
- After Charlie Kirk was killed in September 2025, she emailed all 60 House members condemning violent rhetoric; Rep. John Gillette (R-Kingman) hit reply-all with slurs 5.
- Topped the 2026 Democratic primary with 19,718 votes 1.
Endorsements. Arizona AFL-CIO 7.
Aaron Márquez
U.S. Army Reserve officer with two combat tours in Afghanistan, elected to the Phoenix Union High School District board in 2020, and in the House since January 2025 3.
- Co-founded VetsForward.us, a progressive veterans group, and did veterans outreach for Ruben Gallego's congressional office in 2015 3.
- Lost a 2014 state Senate primary to Catherine Miranda, with Gallego's blessing, and finished last in the five-way 2022 LD5 House primary before winning in 2024 2.
- Says his top priorities are education and reproductive rights, and that working across the aisle is "critical" 3.
- Finished second in the 2026 Democratic primary with 17,403 votes 1.
County
ClerkClerk of the Superior Court (Maricopa County)An open seat: the appointed clerk, Judge Joseph Malka, is only keeping it warm until this election 3. On the ballot: Republican Jeff Dial, a former state senator, against Democrat Seb Matta, an ASU freshman 4 5 6.Our voteSebastian Seb Maximiliano Matta DEMJeff Dial REP
Our take
On résumés alone, this isn't close. Jeff Dial served six years in the Legislature, has run a business, and has a sensible-sounding plan: more online filing and records access, less staff turnover, every budget line justified 7 8. Seb Matta is a philosophy major in his first year at ASU who wants better language access in court services, more outreach, and help for immigrants dealing with the courts 6.
We're voting Matta anyway, with our eyes open. The clerk's office is run day to day by a big career staff, the platform Matta is running on (court services in Spanish and other languages, people understanding a system that mostly confuses them) is the right one (Dial's is mostly about efficiency, which is fine but not the same thing). A Dial win wouldn't be a disaster. A Matta win would mean a very steep learning curve, and we'd still rather have him there. If you can't get there, nobody will blame you for leaving it blank.
What the job is
The clerk is the Superior Court's record keeper: it takes filings in civil, criminal, family, probate and juvenile cases, keeps the official files and exhibits, gives the public access to court records, collects court-ordered fees and fines, and issues marriage licenses and processes passport applications 1. Jury duty is not the clerk's job; summonses come from the court's own jury commissioner 2. The office's budget is more than $60 million 7.
The candidates
Sebastian Seb Maximiliano Matta
Bilingual Argentine-American and freshman philosophy major at Arizona State University; won the Democratic primary 6 5.
- Wants to expand language access in court services, especially the county's online services 6.
- Plans community meetings, events and school lectures to explain the clerk's office and the legal system, which he calls "often unknown and misunderstood" 6.
- Wants to help immigrants with legal challenges, language barriers and missing information 6.
Jeff Dial
Republican who represented Ahwatukee, Chandler and Tempe (Legislative District 18) in the state House from 2011 and the Senate until January 2017; lost his 2016 primary to Frank Schmuck and later worked as a real estate agent 8. Describes himself as an Army Reserve veteran and small-business owner 7.
- Would expand online filing and online access to court records so people don't have to take off work for routine business 7.
- Promises line-by-line review of a budget of more than $60 million and better staff retention 7.
- Says the clerk should "uphold the law and follow the Constitution, not a personal agenda," and stay independent of judges 7.
- In 2016 his primary opponent questioned his claimed Army Reserve veteran status; Dial said he was honorably discharged and moved to the Individual Ready Reserve in 2004 8.
Local (nonpartisan)
PHX6Phoenix City Council, District 6First-term Councilman Kevin Robinson, a retired assistant police chief, against real estate investor Michael Del Prete, who has the backing of Doug Ducey and Senate President Warren Petersen 1 5. Only two candidates were certified 3, so somebody wins outright on Nov. 3 and there's no March runoff 2.Only on ballots in Phoenix City Council District 6, a two-piece district: Arcadia, the Biltmore and north-central Phoenix in one chunk, Ahwatukee in the otherOur voteMichael Del PreteKevin Robinson
Our take
Vote Robinson, with no great enthusiasm. He spent 36 years in the Phoenix Police Department and retired as an assistant chief 1. After the Justice Department found Phoenix police used excessive force and discriminated, he said he wouldn't sign a consent decree and called the report "sensationalized a little bit" 8. He voted to widen the camping ban in 2024, in subcommittee and on the full council 11 12. This May he was one of six votes to make feeding people or bandaging them in a city park without a permit a jailable misdemeanor 20 21. On police accountability he is not on our side, and we're not going to pretend.
He's been better than his résumé on other things. He backed the 2026 Community Transparency Initiative barring ICE from staging on city property without permission, which passed 8-1, and criticized federal agents' face coverings 9 10. He approved a four-story, 64-unit apartment building in Arcadia over neighbors who wanted it capped at three 13, and he says he backs more light rail 16.
Del Prete runs the Arizona Real Estate Investors Association 6, and his endorsers are Ducey, Sheriff Jerry Sheridan and Senate President Warren Petersen 5. That's the same Petersen who lobbied the council to kill the Capitol light rail line 19. His own X profile calls him a conservative candidate 7. City council seats in Arcadia and Ahwatukee are how that crowd builds a bench. Robinson.
What the job is
The Phoenix City Council (eight district members plus the mayor) sets the city budget, police policy, zoning and transit plans. In the past year it voted on whether ICE can stage on city land 10 and killed the light rail extension to the Capitol, 7-2 19.
The candidates
Michael Del Prete
Moved to Phoenix from Connecticut in 1997, owned a hair salon for 12 years and built a customer-service company past 300 employees; now executive director of the Arizona Real Estate Investors Association 4.
- First run for office. Platform: hire and keep police and firefighters, cut permit "red tape" to lower housing costs, and switch to performance-based budgeting before any tax or fee increase 5.
- Says Phoenix has spent more than $180 million on homelessness since 2021 and wants providers held to measurable outcomes 5.
- On data centers, wants clear standards and public scrutiny but doesn't call for stopping them 4.
- Says he won't make the race "about attacks" on Robinson; his campaign blog criticizes City Hall's budget and permitting in general 6.
Endorsements. Former Gov. Doug Ducey, Maricopa County Sheriff Jerry Sheridan, Senate President Warren Petersen, and Mark Lewis, formerly of the Central Arizona Water Conservation District 5.
Kevin Robinson
Retired after 36 years with the Phoenix Police Department, 13 of them as assistant chief 16; lectures in criminology at ASU and has represented District 6 since April 2023 1 4.
- Told KJZZ in June 2024 he would not agree to a DOJ consent decree, doesn't think consent decrees make departments better, and thinks the federal report was "sensationalized a little bit," though he doesn't dispute most of it 8.
- Voted for the 2024 camping-ban expansion (no camping within 500 feet of schools, parks, shelters or day cares; $100 fine), 3-1 in his subcommittee and unanimously on the full council 11 12.
- Voted for the May 2026 parks ordinance, passed 6-3, that requires a permit to hand out food or give non-emergency medical care in city parks, with violations a Class 1 misdemeanor (up to $2,500 and 180 days in jail) 20 21.
- Backed the March 2026 Community Transparency Initiative, which bars ICE from staging or processing detainees on city property without permission; he called it "an effective and legally sound compromise" 9 10.
- Approved a 64-unit, four-story apartment complex at 21st Street and Turney in Arcadia over neighbor opposition (unanimous council vote) 13. Says his office pushes developers on affordable workforce housing 17.
- Under fire in Ahwatukee over Menlo Digital's 1-million-square-foot data center, approved in 2024; he and city staff say the zoning has existed for 30 years 4 18.
Endorsements. Greater Phoenix Chamber PAC (2026) 14. In 2023: Mayor Kate Gallego and Rep. Greg Stanton 15.
CC-ALMaricopa County Community College District Governing Board, At-LargeA former Democratic state rep and 27-year teacher against a realty CEO running on a three-person slate whose headline promise is bringing back junior-college football. Turning Point's PAC lists the football slate on its Freedom Ticket.Our voteJohn David CrowJudy Schwiebert
Our take
Football is the bait. The Change4Maricopa slate (Crow here, Susan Winder in District 3, Ryan Caracciolo in District 4) is selling a $2-per-credit-hour fee to revive the sport the district cut in 2018, when an internal task force found football had the highest dropout and loan-default rates of any sport in the district and the district pegged the cost of keeping it at more than $20 million 1. Turning Point PAC put all three on its Freedom Ticket 3 4. Crow told a Sun City West Republican club the colleges have been "run by the left the past 10 years," which is an odd thing to say about a nonpartisan board if the campaign is really about linebackers 4.
Judy Schwiebert is a retired high school teacher who spent four years in the Legislature on teacher pay and public school funding, and who passed a bipartisan bill putting more money into adult education at the community colleges 6 7. The faculty union's PAC endorsed her, and so did Democratic LDs across the Valley 5 8 9. She's a mainstream Democrat, not a firebrand. On a board that Turning Point would like to flip, that's plenty. Vote Schwiebert.
What the job is
The seven-member board (five district seats, two countywide at-large seats) runs the Valley's 10 Maricopa Community Colleges, which enrolled about 102,000 students in fall 2020, and hires the chancellor, who serves at the board's pleasure 10. Roughly 75% of the district's operating budget comes from local property taxes, so this is a board that spends your money directly 1.
The candidates
John David Crow
CEO of Century 21 Northwest Realty and a former Phoenix College linebacker from the late 1980s, campaigning as "John Crow" 2 4.
- Leads the Change4Maricopa slate with Susan Winder and Ryan Caracciolo; the platform is low tuition, health-care and trades training, and bringing back JUCO football 1 4.
- The slate floats a $2-per-credit-hour student life and athletics fee starting in 2027 (about $60 a year for a full-time student), with up to 60% going to football; Crow calls it "a proof of concept, not the plan" and says new fees should be a last resort 1.
- Estimated on FOX 10 that football would cost "a million and a half," a figure the opposing campaign says leaves out one-time capital costs 4.
- Listed for the at-large seat on Turning Point PAC's 2026 Freedom Ticket 3 4.
- FEC records show a $500 contribution in March 2024 from a John Crow of Glendale, employed at Century 21 Northwest, to the Kari Lake Victory Fund, according to the opposing campaign's research page 4.
Judy Schwiebert
Democratic state representative from 2021 to 2025 (LD20, then LD2 after redistricting) and a high school teacher for 27 years at Greenway and Cactus high schools; lost a 2024 state Senate race to Republican Shawnna Bolick 5 6.
- Sponsored and passed a bipartisan bill to increase adult-education funding at community colleges, and focused on teacher pay and public school funding in the House 7.
- Former community college student; sits on the Paradise Valley Community College President's Council 5 7.
- Says football "would be great to have back" but asks where the money comes from, and calls the football push a Trojan horse for far-right politics 1.
- Co-founded Theater Works, an education nonprofit in Glendale 6.
Endorsements. Maricopa Community Colleges Faculty Association's FacPAC 5; AZ LD2 Democrats 8; LD13 Democrats 9; Civic Engagement Beyond Voting 3.
CC3Maricopa County Community College District Governing Board, District 3The owner of Copper Star Coffee on 7th Avenue against a retired educator on the Turning Point-listed football slate who has said she'd like to see ICE "at every polling place."Only on ballots in community college District 3 (central to north Phoenix, the district that includes Phoenix College and Paradise Valley Community College)Our voteSusan Hightower WinderWilliam "Bill" Sandweg
Our take
Susan Winder's own platform page is reasonable stuff about nursing programs and trades 5. Her record is the problem. On a 2024 school board questionnaire she wrote that questions remain about how many people died of COVID, "if any," said DEI "has no place in public education," and said college funding shouldn't come from tax money; this year she posted that she'd like ICE "at every polling place" 4. A community college board can't do anything about polling places, but it can decide whether a college feels safe to the kids of immigrants in Sunnyslope.
Bill Sandweg has run Copper Star Coffee in the Melrose District since 2006, took creative writing classes at Phoenix College, and sent a kid through its dual-enrollment program 7. He called the football pitch "a nice idea but a bunch of BS" and wants the money spent on programs students are lining up for 1. The faculty union backs him and so do the Democrats 7 8. Vote Sandweg, then go get a bagel.
What the job is
District 3 is one of five geographic seats on the seven-member board that runs the 10 Maricopa Community Colleges and hires the chancellor 9. The seat covers central to north Phoenix, home to Phoenix College and Paradise Valley Community College 3 5.
The candidates
Susan Hightower Winder
Retired educator with 35 years as a teacher, school counselor, principal and college child-development instructor; ran for the Paradise Valley Unified school board in 2024 4 5.
- Runs on the Change4Maricopa slate with John Crow and Ryan Caracciolo: low tuition, nursing and trades programs, and bringing back JUCO football 1 2 5.
- Listed for District 3 on Turning Point PAC's 2026 Freedom Ticket 3 4.
- On her 2024 iVoterGuide questionnaire, wrote that questions remain about how many died of COVID "if any," that DEI "has no place in public education," and that pre-K and college funding should not come from tax money, as compiled by the opposing campaign 4.
- In a Sept. 2026 post on X attributed to her, said she supports ICE raids and would like to see ICE "at every polling place" 4.
- Listed Shawnna Bolick, Walt Blackman, Alex Kolodin and Abraham Hamadeh as endorsers in her 2024 school board run 4.
William "Bill" Sandweg
Co-founded Copper Star Coffee in Phoenix's Melrose District with his wife, Ginger, in 2006, and has served on several city commissions; KJZZ profiled the shop for its handmade bagels 7 6.
- Took creative writing classes at Phoenix College; his daughter went through its dual-enrollment program 7.
- Calls the football revival "a nice idea but a bunch of BS" and says he'd rather put new money into other high-demand programs 1.
- Says Change4Maricopa is using football as a Trojan horse to bring far-right extremism onto the board 1.
- Co-runs a joint campaign site with at-large candidate Judy Schwiebert 10.
Endorsements. Maricopa Community Colleges Faculty Association's FacPAC 7; AZ LD2 Democrats 8; Civic Engagement Beyond Voting 3.
VW3Maricopa County Special Health Care District (Valleywise Health) Board, District 3A former SRP executive appointed to the seat in April against an ASU public-health researcher endorsed by Planned Parenthood. Whoever wins helps spend the $898 million bond voters narrowly passed last fall.Only on ballots in health care District 3 (north Phoenix, Paradise Valley, Cave Creek, Anthem, Desert Hills and New River)Our voteKelly J. BarrAngel B. Algarin
Our take
This one isn't a hero-vs-villain race. Kelly Barr spent 30 years at SRP, chairs Phoenix's Environmental Quality and Sustainability Commission, and served on the county's jail oversight committee, where she says she saw the "urgent need for accessible mental health treatment" 2. The board picked her unanimously in April to finish Barbara Rodriguez Mundell's term 2 6. That's a solid civic résumé, and we found no endorsements or campaign positions from her at all.
Angel Algarin is an epidemiologist at ASU who studies HIV prevention and care, sits on the board of Aunt Rita's Foundation and on Phoenix's Fast-Track Cities committee, and is running on health equity and access 7 8. Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona endorsed him, and so did Run for Something 8 9. Valleywise is where uninsured people in this county go when they get sick, and voters passed Prop 409 by a hair last November 4 5. We'd like someone on the board who studies the people Valleywise serves for a living. Vote Algarin.
What the job is
This five-member board, elected to four-year terms, governs Valleywise Health, the county's public safety-net hospital system, where more than half of patients are on AHCCCS (Medicaid) 1 3. It runs the Arizona Burn Center and Phoenix's largest inpatient behavioral-health operation, and it carries out voter-approved bonds: $935 million under Prop 480 in 2014, which built the new 10-story hospital on Roosevelt Street that opened in 2024 3 4, and the $898 million Prop 409 bond in 2025 for a 200-bed psychiatric hospital and new outpatient clinics 4 5.
The candidates
Kelly J. Barr
Appointed unanimously by the district board in April 2026 to fill the vacancy left when Barbara Rodriguez Mundell resigned on March 27; spent over 30 years in leadership at SRP, most recently as chief strategy, corporate services and sustainability executive, and now is chief alliance officer at ASU's Global Futures Laboratory 2 6.
- Chairs the City of Phoenix Environmental Quality and Sustainability Commission and served on the Maricopa County Citizens Jail Oversight Committee 2.
- Board chair of Arizona Forward from 2020 to 2023; trustee of The Nature Conservancy 2.
- Her appointed term runs only until the canvass of the Nov. 3 election 6.
Angel B. Algarin
Epidemiologist and public-health researcher on the ASU faculty who moved to Arizona in 2022; studies HIV inequities and access to care and has published more than 40 peer-reviewed articles 7 8.
- Serves on the board of Aunt Rita's Foundation and on the City of Phoenix Fast-Track Cities ad hoc committee 7.
- Has led grant-funded health projects reaching hundreds of Maricopa County residents 7.
- Priorities: community voice in District 3 decisions, evidence-based policy, equity, expanded access and cost-effectiveness 7.
Endorsements. Planned Parenthood Advocates of Arizona 9; Run for Something 8; 314 Action Fund and AZ Families for Vaccines 7.
PXU3Phoenix Union High School District Governing Board, Ward 3Two pro-public-school educators, no culture warrior in sight. The appointed incumbent, a retired Metro Tech teacher, has the teachers union; her challenger is a curriculum executive at a neighboring district.Only on ballots in Phoenix Union's Ward 3, part of central PhoenixOur voteDebbie CrossRosalva Lagunas-Kuauhtli
Our take
Good news: nobody on this ballot wants to ban books. Debbie Cross taught banking and finance at Metro Tech for 22 years after 20 years in the finance industry, was a member of the Phoenix Union teachers union the whole time, and was appointed to the Ward 3 seat on Dec. 31, 2024 1. Weeks later she voted for the ICE safe-zone resolution 4 6. The Phoenix Union Classroom Teachers Association, Save Our Schools Arizona and the Arizona List back her 1 4.
Rosalva Lagunas-Kuauhtli is a strong candidate too: daughter of Indigenous Mexican immigrants, ASU Ph.D., two decades from classroom teacher to district curriculum chief 2 3. If she wins, PXU will be fine. We're going with the people who teach in these buildings. One gripe: Cross wants SROs that are better picked and trained by the district, not fewer cops on campus 1. We'd rather spend that money on counselors, which, to be fair, she also says she wants more of 1.
What the job is
Phoenix Union's board is elected mostly by ward, plus two at-large seats, and it sets policy and the budget for the district's high schools 1. This board ended its police contract in 2020, then voted unanimously in 2023 to bring back up to six regional officers with a student bill of rights and a confidential misconduct complaint process attached 7 8. In January 2025 it unanimously declared its campuses safe zones from immigration enforcement 6.
The candidates
Debbie Cross
Retired Phoenix Union teacher who taught banking, finance and investment at Metro Tech High School for 22 years after a 20-year finance career; appointed to the Ward 3 seat on Dec. 31, 2024, succeeding Stephanie Parra 1 5.
- Voted for the PXU Safe Zone Resolution on immigration enforcement at the Jan. 24, 2025 board meeting 4 6.
- Campaigns on more career and technical education at every campus, better enrollment, and lower student-to-teacher ratios with more counselors and social workers 1.
- Wants to improve how SROs are hired and trained so the district relies less on officers it didn't select 1.
- Ran at-large in 2020 (third, 18.3%) and 2024; withdrew from the court-ordered 2025 at-large redo after taking the Ward 3 seat 1.
- Member of AEA Retired; 2015 City of Phoenix Volunteer of the Year 1 5.
Endorsements. Phoenix Union Classroom Teachers Association, Arizona List, Sen. Lela Alston, Rep. Sarah Liguori, board president Francisco Pastor-Rivera 1; Save Our Schools Arizona 4.
Rosalva Lagunas-Kuauhtli
Executive director of curriculum and instruction at a neighboring union high school district; a bilingual, first-generation college graduate and daughter of Indigenous Mexican immigrants, with a B.A., M.Ed. and Ph.D. from ASU 2 3.
- More than 20 years in education as a teacher and in school, district and Arizona Department of Education roles 2 3.
- Campaigns on academic pathways (college prep, CTE, rigorous coursework), professional learning for teachers, and treating students' cultures and languages as assets 2.
- Grew up in the East Valley and graduated from Mesa High School 2 3.
Endorsements. Arizona Latino School Board Association 2.
Judges
Should we keep these judges?
Arizona doesn't elect most of its judges. In Maricopa County, the governor picks Superior Court judges, appeals judges and justices from a short list drawn up by a nominating commission, and every few years each one comes back to the ballot for a yes-or-no retention vote. Get a majority of no votes and you're out. It almost never happens: voters have removed six judges in the 50 years Arizona has done this, three of them in Maricopa in 2022, and no Supreme Court justice has ever lost 1. Even the 2024 campaign against Justices Bolick and King over the 1864 abortion ban only got them down to about 58 percent 2.
The state's Commission on Judicial Performance Review surveys lawyers, jurors, litigants and other judges about every judge on the ballot, then votes on whether each one "meets" its standards 3. This year it said every judge it reviewed meets the standards, all across the state 4 5. That's typical, and it means the commission's stamp tells you a judge isn't a disaster, not much more. The commission didn't publish per-judge vote tallies this year, so we can't tell you if anyone was a close call. It does post each judge's survey scores, and a few of those are worth a look 6.
So here's how we decided. We started with the JPR report and the scores behind it. Then we looked for public discipline from the Commission on Judicial Conduct and for rulings that land on the things we care about most: abortion, voting rights, immigration, policing and the criminal legal system, and LGBTQ rights. Who appointed a judge isn't a reason to vote no. Plenty of Ducey picks have ruled well. A No below means we found a specific ruling or a specific bit of conduct, and we tell you what it was. Everyone else gets a Yes.
Our short version: vote No on John R. Lopez IV, Brad Astrowsky, Jennifer Ryan-Touhill, and Yes on everyone else.
Arizona Supreme Court
| Judge | Commission review | Our vote |
|---|---|---|
| John R. Lopez IVAppointed 2016 by Gov. Ducey (seated Jan. 2017) | Meets Lopez wrote the April 2024 majority opinion that brought back Arizona's 1864 near-total abortion ban, 4-2 7. The ban carried two to five years in prison for anyone who helped with an abortion, and it took the Legislature repealing it to undo the damage 8. He also joined the 2021 ruling that gutted Prop 208, the voter-passed tax on high earners for schools 9, and in June 2026 he was one of three justices who partly dissented when the court upheld Prop 211's dark-money disclosure law 4-3 10. Before the bench he was Mark Brnovich's solicitor general 11. | No |
Court of Appeals, Division One
| Judge | Commission review | Our vote |
|---|---|---|
| Michael S. CatlettAppointed Dec. 2022 by Gov. Ducey (seated Jan. 2023) | Meets One of three judges Ducey named in his last week in office 12. He came from Brnovich's attorney general's office, where he ran special litigation 13. We didn't find a ruling that would justify a No. | Yes |
| Anni Hill FosterAppointed Dec. 2022 by Gov. Ducey (seated Feb. 2023) | Meets Foster was Ducey's general counsel for four years before he put her on this court on his way out the door 14 12. In September 2026 she was on the unanimous panel that threw out LUCHA's challenge to Prop 314, the state border-arrest law, mostly on standing 15 16. UNITE HERE Local 11 says don't retain her, without giving a reason 17. That's not enough for us to vote her out, but watch her. | Yes |
| Randall M. HoweAppointed 2012 by Gov. Brewer | Meets Howe, now chief judge, wrote the 2022 Ridgell ruling that ordered DCS to take a mother off its child-abuse registry for using medical marijuana during pregnancy, treating it like any other medicine a doctor directs 18 19. That's the kind of ruling that keeps poor families out of the child-welfare system's net. | Yes |
| Andrew M. JacobsAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Daniel J. KileyAppointed Dec. 2022 by Gov. Ducey (seated Jan. 2023) | Meets Kiley joined the 2023 Roebuck v. Mayo Clinic opinion striking down the COVID-era law that blocked ordinary negligence suits against health care providers 20 21. The Arizona Supreme Court agreed in 2025 that the law was unconstitutional 22. | Yes |
| James B. Morse Jr.Appointed 2017 by Gov. Ducey | Meets Morse sat on the 2024 Toma v. Fontes panel that struck one narrow piece of Prop 211, the part limiting the Legislature's power over the Clean Elections Commission, while leaving the disclosure rules alone 23. | Yes |
| Jennifer M. PerkinsAppointed 2017 by Gov. Ducey | Meets Perkins spent five years at the libertarian Institute for Justice and then worked in the AG's solicitor general office before Ducey appointed her 24. UNITE HERE Local 11 recommends a No, but it doesn't say why 17, and we couldn't find a ruling to hang a No on. | Yes |
| David WeinzweigAppointed 2018 by Gov. Ducey | Meets A mixed record. Weinzweig wrote the 2019 In re Cortez opinion holding that a judge can't deny a name change just because the person is transitioning 25. He also wrote the September 2026 opinion rejecting LUCHA's challenge to Prop 314, the border-arrest law, on standing: "This is a contingency, not a mandate" 16. UNITE HERE Local 11 says don't retain him 17. Prop 314 can still be challenged once it's enforced, so we're a reluctant Yes. | Yes |
Maricopa County Superior Court
| Judge | Commission review | Our vote |
|---|---|---|
| Brad AstrowskyAppointed 2012 by Gov. Brewer | Meets In 2020 the Commission on Judicial Conduct publicly reprimanded him for sitting on a divorce ruling for six months, past the constitutional 60-day limit, until the Court of Appeals ordered him to rule. While the ruling was overdue he kept signing the payroll certifications judges sign to say nothing is past due 26. UNITE HERE Local 11 also says don't retain 17. A family waited half a year on a divorce while he got paid. | No |
| Michael C. BlairAppointed 2016 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| John L. BlanchardAppointed 2019 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Robert I. BrooksAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Sunita A. CairoAppointed Oct. 2022 by Gov. Ducey (seated Jan. 2023) | Meets | Yes |
| Michelle CarsonAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Gregory S. ComoAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets In February 2026 Como struck down a pile of Arizona's abortion restrictions under Prop 139, including the 24-hour waiting period, the genetic-abnormality ban and the in-person visit rule for abortion pills 27. Republican legislative leaders said they'd appeal. A Ducey appointee who followed the constitution voters wrote. | Yes |
| Katherine M. CooperAppointed 2011 by Gov. Brewer | Meets Cooper ordered the state in 2014 to restore the school inflation funding the Legislature had skipped, roughly $317 million for one year alone 28. | Yes |
| Max-Henri CovilAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Kristin CulbertsonAppointed 2016 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Marvin L. DavisAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Monica N. B. EdelsteinAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Geoffrey FishAppointed 2014 by Gov. Brewer | Meets | Yes |
| Dewain FoxAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Jillian B. FrancisAppointed 2022 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Marischa H. GillaAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Jennifer GreenAppointed 2015 (Brewer or Ducey; not confirmed) | Meets As head of the criminal department, Green started ordering prosecutors and defense lawyers into settlement talks two years into death penalty cases, which in Maricopa often drag on for years before prosecutors drop death anyway 29. | Yes |
| Lauren R. GuytonAppointed 2024 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Melody Garland HarmonAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Michael J. HerrodAppointed 2011 by Gov. Brewer | Meets | Yes |
| Charlene D. JacksonAppointed 2022 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Melissa I. JulianAppointed 2019 by Gov. Ducey | Meets Julian threw out Mark Finchem's lawsuit trying to overturn his 2022 loss to Adrian Fontes, then sanctioned Finchem and his lawyer for filing it 30. | Yes |
| Amy M. KalmanAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Joseph S. KieferAppointed 2019 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Ronee Korbin SteinerAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Joseph C. KreamerAppointed 2007 by Gov. Napolitano | Meets | Yes |
| Kerstin G. LeMaireAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Daniel G. MartinAppointed 2007 by Gov. Napolitano | Meets Martin got the Democrats' 2021 suit against the Senate's Cyber Ninjas "audit" and let it keep going, but he also ordered the auditors to make their procedures public and told the court he wasn't yet persuaded voters' rights were being protected 31. | Yes |
| Julie A. MataAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets UNITE HERE Local 11 says don't retain her, with no reason given 17. Her survey scores run low, 78 percent on temperament, but most of the bad marks come from family-court litigants rather than lawyers 32, which is common in that assignment. Nothing else turned up. | Yes |
| Steven W. McCarthyAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Frank W. MoskowitzAppointed 2014 by Gov. Brewer | Meets In March 2025 Moskowitz permanently blocked Arizona's 15-week abortion ban, holding it can't stand next to Prop 139 33. | Yes |
| Samuel J. MyersAppointed 2007 by Gov. Napolitano | Meets Myers sent the state's fake-electors case back to the grand jury in 2025 because prosecutors never showed jurors the text of the Electoral Count Act 34. A frustrating result, but a procedural one, and the Court of Appeals upheld it 35. | Yes |
| Suzanne M. NichollsAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets The worst survey numbers on the Maricopa ballot. Just 67 percent rated her temperament acceptable, and 30 percent of attorneys who appeared before her in criminal court rated her courtesy "very poor" 36. We found no discipline or news, and the commission still voted Meets, so it's a Yes from us, but barely. | Yes |
| Colleen O’Donnell-SmithAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Jay M. PolkAppointed 2011 by Gov. Brewer | Meets | Yes |
| Michael Z. RassasAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Joshua D. RogersAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Jeffrey RueterAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Jennifer Ryan-TouhillAppointed 2015 (Brewer or Ducey; not confirmed) | Meets In 2022 the Commission on Judicial Conduct publicly reprimanded her for stepping down from the bench during a homicide trial to hug and console the victim's family after they testified, which it found created an appearance of bias against the defendant 37. A judge in a murder trial has one job before any other: be fair to the person on trial. Her 2026 survey scores also trail her peers, 84 to 92 percent 38. | No |
| Aryeh D. SchwartzAppointed 2020 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Danielle J. ViolaAppointed 2011 by Gov. Brewer | Meets | Yes |
| Randall H. WarnerAppointed 2007 by Gov. Napolitano | Meets Warner threw out Kelli Ward's 2020 challenge to Maricopa's presidential results after finding no evidence of fraud 39. | Yes |
| Joseph C. WeltyAppointed 2007 by Gov. Napolitano | Meets As presiding judge, Welty took a murder defendant's post-conviction case away from the whole Maricopa bench because of an "unprecedented" pile of alleged ethics violations by former Judge Erin Otis, who had been negotiating a job with the County Attorney's Office while still on the bench 40 41. | Yes |
| Roy “Chuck” WhiteheadAppointed 2015 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Paula A. WilliamsAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets Weak marks on temperament: 72 percent acceptable, with 35 percent of attorneys rating her poor or very poor 42. No discipline or news turned up, so it's a Yes, but a soft one. | Yes |
| William R. WingardAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
| Cassie B. WooAppointed 2019 by Gov. Ducey | Meets | Yes |
| Melissa M. ZaborAppointed 2023 by Gov. Hobbs | Meets | Yes |
Sources
- ABC15: Why two Arizona Supreme Court justices face a removal campaign over the abortion ruling
- Arizona Capitol Times: Justices fend off removal, voters keep power over the bench (Nov. 8, 2024)
- Arizona Secretary of State, 2026 General Election Publicity Pamphlet (JPR section)
- Commission on Judicial Performance Review, 2026 Vote Results
- KTAR: Arizona judicial review board says all judges on 2026 ballot meet performance standards (Apr. 2026)
- Commission on Judicial Performance Review, 2026 Judicial Performance Reports
- Arizona Supreme Court, Planned Parenthood Arizona v. Mayes, CV-23-0005-PR (Apr. 9, 2024), opinion
- Arizona Mirror / States Newsroom: The 1864 abortion law is officially repealed (May 3, 2024)
- Arizona Supreme Court, Fann v. State, CV-21-0058-T/AP (Aug. 19, 2021), opinion
- Arizona Supreme Court, Center for Arizona Policy v. Secretary of State (June 29, 2026), via Leagle
- Wikipedia: John Lopez IV
- Arizona Republic via Yahoo: Ducey appoints 6 to appeals court (Dec. 31, 2022)
- Arizona Court of Appeals, Division One: Judge Michael S. Catlett biography
- Arizona Court of Appeals, Division One: Judge Anni Hill Foster biography
- Arizona Court of Appeals docket, LUCHA v. State, 1 CA-CV 25-0966
- Arizona Daily Star: Appeals court rejects challenge to Arizona's new border policing law (Sept. 11, 2026)
- UNITE HERE Local 11, Arizona voter guide, November 2026
- Osborn Maledon appellate blog: Ridgell v. Arizona Dept. of Child Safety (Mar. 31, 2022)
- Wikipedia: Randall M. Howe
- Center for Arizona Policy judge profile: Daniel Kiley (case list)
- Jones, Skelton & Hochuli: Court holds Arizona COVID immunity statute unconstitutional (Roebuck v. Mayo Clinic)
- Arizona Supreme Court, Roebuck v. Mayo Clinic, CV-23-0262-PR (2025), via State Court Report
- Center for Arizona Policy judge profile: James Morse (case list)
- Arizona Court of Appeals, Division One: Judge Jennifer M. Perkins biography
- KNAU: Arizona ruling says gender transition is not a reason to deny a name change (Dec. 4, 2019)
- Commission on Judicial Conduct, Cases 19-362 and 19-363 (public reprimand of Judge Bradley Astrowsky, 2020)
- KJZZ: Court ruling voids series of Arizona abortion restrictions (Feb. 6, 2026)
- Arizona Capitol Times: Judge issues final judgment in school finance inflation case (Aug. 21, 2014)
- Sierra Vista Herald / Arizona Capitol Times: Arizona judges launch effort seeking quicker resolutions to death penalty cases (Jan. 6, 2026)
- FOX 10: Mark Finchem sanctioned over baseless Arizona election suit (2023)
- KJZZ: Maricopa County audit recount allowed to continue (Apr. 28, 2021)
- JPR 2026 report: Julie A. Mata
- Arizona Mirror: Arizona's 15-week abortion ban is now 'permanently and forever' struck down (Mar. 5, 2025)
- KJZZ: Judge sends Arizona fake electors case back to grand jury (May 19, 2025)
- KJZZ: Arizona Supreme Court grants AG Mayes delay request in fake electors case (Oct. 21, 2025)
- JPR 2026 report: Suzanne M. Nicholls
- Commission on Judicial Conduct, Case 22-165 (public reprimand of Judge Jennifer Ryan-Touhill, Sept. 19, 2022)
- JPR 2026 report: Jennifer Ryan-Touhill
- KAWC: Arizona judge dismisses GOP election lawsuit (Dec. 6, 2020)
- ABC15: Court ruling re-ignites scandal involving former judge, county attorney
- ABC15: Emails show judge, Maricopa County Attorney's Office prosecutors kept job talks secret
- JPR 2026 report: Paula A. Williams
Key dates
- Oct 5Registration closed
- Oct 7–Oct 30Early voting
- Oct 23Last day to request
- Oct 27Mail-by date
- Oct 30–Nov 2Emergency voting
- Nov 3Election Day
- Nov 8Cure deadline
Dates: Maricopa County Elections: Important Election Dates · Citizens Clean Elections Commission: Nov. 3, 2026 General Election, Maricopa · City of Phoenix 2026 publicity pamphlet (ballots must be received by 7 p.m.; mail at least 7 days ahead) · Maricopa County Elections: Early Ballot Questionable Signature · Maricopa County Elections: Conditional provisional ballot ID verification (Nov. 2026) · Arizona House summary of HB 2022 (2026), cure period of five calendar days